Fuente: Autoría propia

Modelo habitacional participativo para comunidades kichwas amazónicas

Participatory Housing Model for Amazonian Kichwa Communities

Modelo Habitacional Participativo para Comunidades Kichwa Amazônicas

Modèle d’Habitat Participatif pour les Communautés Kichwa de l’Amazonie

Karina Alexandra Chérrez Rodas

Universidad Politécnica de Madrid – Universidad Regional Amazónica Ikiam

karina.cherrezr@alumnos.upm.es

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6330-3955

Leonardo Francisco Coloma Casañas

Universidad Regional Amazónica Ikiam

leonardo.coloma@ikiam.edu.ec

https://orcid.org/0009-0009-8643-4566

Cómo citar este artículo:

Cherrez Rodas, K.; y Coloma Casañas, L. (2025). Modelo habitacional participativo para comunidades kichwas amazónicas. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): 231-245.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.120125

Recibido: 04/05/2025

Aprobado: 07/11/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

(3) 2025: 231-245

Autores

17_120125

Resumen

Resumen

Este estudio analiza las dinámicas habitacionales y territoriales de comunidades kichwas en las periferias urbanas amazónicas de Tena, Ecuador, enfocándose en la producción social del hábitat desde metodologías participativas. Ante la invisibilización histórica de estas comunidades en las políticas públicas, se propone una alternativa a los modelos estandarizados de vivienda estatal mediante la construcción del modelo de Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA). El enfoque metodológico cualitativo se sustentó en herramientas como cartografías sociales, entrevistas y talleres participativos, permitiendo identificar tres dimensiones clave: la organización social basada en familias extensas, la economía sustentada en actividades productivas tradicionales (chacra, artesanías, cría de animales, medicina natural), y las carencias habitacionales que no responden a las formas culturales de habitar. La propuesta CPA integra vivienda, espacios productivos y de gestión comunitaria, articulados desde la cosmovisión kichwa. La propuesta de programa habitacional incluye lotes para vivienda unifamiliar y terrenos colectivos para actividades culturales y agrícolas, promoviendo sostenibilidad, apropiación e identidad cultural. Este trabajo busca incidir en políticas públicas para construir soluciones habitacionales interculturales y contextualizadas, reconociendo a las periferias amazónicas como territorios estratégicos en la planificación urbana.

Palabras clave: desarrollo comunitario, planificación rural, actividad cultural, hábitat, participación comunitaria

Abstract

This study analyzes the housing and territorial dynamics of Kichwa communities in the urban peripheries of Tena, Ecuador, focusing on the social production of habitat through participatory methodologies. Given the historical invisibility of these communities in public policies, an alternative to standardized state housing models is proposed through the construction of the Amazon Productive Community (APC) model. The qualitative methodological approach was supported by tools such as social mapping, interviews, and participatory workshops, allowing us to identify three key dimensions: social organization based on extended families, an economy sustained by traditional productive activities (farming, handicrafts, animal husbandry, natural medicine), and housing shortages that do not respond to their cultural ways of living. The APC proposal integrates housing, productive spaces, and community management, articulated from the Kichwa worldview. The design includes lots for single-family housing and collective lands for cultural and agricultural activities, promoting sustainability and cultural appropriation and identity. This work seeks to influence public policies to build intercultural and contextualized housing solutions, recognizing Amazonian peripheries as strategic territories in urban planning.

Keywords: community development, rural planning, cultural activity, habitat, community participation

Resumo

Este estudo analisa as dinâmicas habitacionais e territoriais de comunidades Kichwa nas periferias urbanas amazônicas de Tena, Equador, com foco na produção social do habitat a partir de metodologias participativas. Diante da histórica invisibilização dessas comunidades nas políticas públicas, propõe-se uma alternativa aos modelos padronizados de habitação estatal por meio da construção do modelo de Comunidade Produtiva Amazônica (CPA). A abordagem metodológica qualitativa baseou-se em ferramentas como cartografias sociais, entrevistas e oficinas participativas, permitindo identificar três dimensões centrais: a organização social fundamentada em famílias extensas; a economia sustentada por atividades produtivas tradicionais (chacra, artesanato, criação de animais e medicina natural); e as carências habitacionais que não correspondem às formas culturais de habitar. A proposta da CPA integra habitação, espaços produtivos e de gestão comunitária, articulados segundo a cosmovisão kichwa. O programa habitacional propõe lotes destinados à moradia unifamiliar e terrenos coletivos voltados a atividades culturais e agrícolas, promovendo a sustentabilidade, a apropriação e a identidade cultural. Este trabalho busca influenciar as políticas públicas na construção de soluções habitacionais interculturais e contextualizadas, reconhecendo as periferias amazônicas como territórios estratégicos no planejamento urbano.

Palavras-chave: desenvolvimento comunitário, planejamento rural, atividade cultural, habitat, participação comunitária

Résumé

Cette étude analyse les dynamiques territoriales et résidentielles des communautés kichwa situées dans les périphéries urbaines de Tena, en Équateur, en se concentrant sur la production sociale de l’habitat à travers des méthodologies participatives. Face à l’invisibilisation historique de ces communautés dans les politiques publiques, une alternative aux modèles standardisés de logement étatique est proposée à travers la construction du modèle de Communauté Productive Amazonienne (CPA). L’approche méthodologique qualitative s’est appuyée sur des outils tels que la cartographie sociale, les entretiens et les ateliers participatifs, permettant d’identifier trois dimensions clés : une organisation sociale fondée sur des familles élargies, une économie soutenue par des activités productives traditionnelles (agriculture, artisanat, élevage, médecine naturelle), et des déficits en matière de logement qui ne répondent pas aux modes d’habiter culturels. La proposition de la CPA intègre logement, espaces productifs et gestion communautaire, articulés selon la cosmovision kichwa. Le programme prévoit des lots pour des habitations unifamiliales ainsi que des terrains collectifs destinés à des activités agricoles et culturelles, favorisant la durabilité, l’appropriation et l’identité culturelle. Ce travail cherche à influencer les politiques publiques en vue de construire des solutions de logement interculturelles et contextualisées, en reconnaissant les périphéries amazoniennes comme des territoires stratégiques pour la planification urbaine.

Mots-clés : développement communautaire, planification rurale, activité culturelle, habitat, participation communautaire

Introducción

En las últimas décadas, el concepto de periferia ha adquirido relevancia en el análisis de los territorios urbanos latinoamericanos. En este marco, las periferias urbanas amazónicas emergen como territorios críticos, poco visibilizados en los procesos de planificación. Lejos de ser concebidas únicamente como márgenes físicos, las periferias se entienden hoy como espacios de hibridación, disputa y producción de formas de vida diversas, donde confluyen desigualdad estructural, creatividad colectiva y organización comunitaria (González, 2018; Ribeiro et al., 2023). La literatura urbana, enriquecida a partir de procesos de expansión informal, extractivismo urbano, presencia indígena y carencias estructurales en vivienda e infraestructura no profundiza en cuestiones de participación ciudadana ni concepción de los hábitats amazónicos a partir de sus lógicas y saberes ancestrales, pese a que en los últimos años se han formulado varios estudios con respecto a procesos de colonización (que se han dado en la Amazonía) y descolonización (que en muchos casos sigue siendo un ideal) (Bayón & Moncrieff, 2022; Hidalgo & Janoschka, 2014).

En Ecuador, las comunidades kichwas asentadas en las periferias urbanas de ciudades como Tena enfrentan una doble invisibilización: como población indígena en zonas de expansión y como habitantes de territorios que escapan a las categorías normativas de lo rural y lo urbano. En estos espacios, las políticas públicas de vivienda han operado bajo enfoques estandarizados que desconocen las formas de organización social, producción económica y territorialidad propias de estas comunidades, generando propuestas habitacionales desarticuladas de sus prácticas culturales y productivas (Barros, 2024). En el caso de programas y proyectos impulsados por el Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano y Vivienda del Ecuador, fue a partir del 2021 que se empezó a considerar la importancia de las particularidades de las regiones Costa, Sierra y Amazonía en la concepción de políticas públicas. Este hecho requiere una atención profunda, ya que los procesos de expansión urbana amenazan con continuar insertando otros tipos de arquitecturas y lógicas espaciales en comunidades lejanas, causando pérdidas en valores tradicionales y arquitectura vernácula (Morocho et al., 2024).

Pese a que existe una amplia literatura sobre hábitat popular urbano y producción social del espacio en América Latina (Castells, 2004; Boano, 2015), se constata una ausencia de estudios sobre hábitat indígena urbano amazónico, particularmente en lo que respecta a propuestas arquitectónicas con metodologías participativas. Si bien algunos trabajos han avanzado en documentar experiencias de vivienda indígena en contextos rurales (Pulgar, 2007; Morocho et al., 2024), las formas del habitar indígena en ciudad y periferia siguen siendo escasamente abordadas y poco comprendidas.

Desde este enfoque, la investigación propone la categoría de Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA) como modelo de hábitat culturalmente pertinente, resultado de un proceso participativo con comunidades kichwas amazónicas en la periferia de la ciudad de Tena (ver Figura 1). El estudio busca generar aportes conceptuales y proyectuales capaces de enriquecer y diversificar la política estatal de vivienda colectiva en la región amazónica ecuatoriana, integrando los saberes locales y las dinámicas propias del territorio. En coherencia con este propósito, se plantea la siguiente pregunta central: ¿cómo pueden construirse propuestas de vivienda culturalmente pertinentes con comunidades kichwas de las periferias amazónicas, considerando sus formas de habitar, organización y producción en zonas de expansión de Tena?

Surge, así, la siguiente hipótesis: el desarrollo de metodologías participativas con comunidades kichwas amazónicas permite visibilizar y proyectar formas alternativas de hábitat indígena, articuladas con la territorialidad y las dinámicas productivas locales, que aportan bases conceptuales para diversificar la política estatal de vivienda en la región amazónica. Las variables centrales en discusión son los modelos de producción habitacional participativa, la organización de comunidades indígenas en zonas de expansión, y los criterios de pertinencia cultural en la arquitectura y planificación del hábitat.

La investigación adopta un enfoque cualitativo interpretativo, sustentado en técnicas de investigación acción participativa como cartografías sociales, matrices de priorización, entrevistas informales y relatorías comunitarias. En línea con Barros Esquivel (2024), el enfoque metodológico se orienta a la co-construcción de alternativas habitacionales desde la experiencia territorial de los actores sociales implicados, a partir de la comprensión de necesidades, problemáticas y formas de habitar locales.

El artículo se organiza en cinco secciones. Tras esta introducción, se presenta una revisión crítica de la literatura sobre periferias urbanas latinoamericanas, producción social del hábitat y participación indígena en zonas de expansión. Luego se describe la metodología empleada y el proceso de trabajo participativo. La cuarta sección expone los resultados obtenidos, incluyendo la caracterización de las comunidades y la conceptualización del modelo CPA (Comunidad Productiva Amazónica). Finalmente, se discuten los hallazgos sobre periferias, cultura e innovación territorial, identificando proyecciones para la investigación y la política pública.

Revisión de Literatura

En los últimos años, el estudio de las periferias urbanas ha ocupado un lugar estratégico en el debate latinoamericano, articulando reflexiones sobre desigualdad territorial, formas alternativas de producción del espacio y dinámicas de resistencia popular frente a la planificación estatal. Esta sección revisa críticamente la literatura relevante para contextualizar conceptualmente esta investigación, identificar los vacíos existentes y fundamentar su aporte teórico y empírico.

Periferias Urbanas en América Latina: Debates Conceptuales e Históricos

La noción de periferia ha sido clave para comprender los procesos de dependencia estructural y desigualdad en América Latina, desde su formulación en los estudios de dependencia (Mayol Miranda, 2012)) hasta su resignificación en los estudios urbanos contemporáneos. En las últimas décadas, se ha discutido cómo las periferias no solo constituyen territorios de carencia y subordinación, sino también entornos de producción social del espacio, de resistencia y de generación de saberes alternativos (Castells, 2004; Zibechi, 2008).

Para Alicia Lindón, la periferia “da cuenta de la relación de un territorio con otro dentro de un continuo urbano en expansión”; es componente intrínseco de la existencia de un centro y, por tanto, adopta los comportamientos, formas y políticas de la ciudad cuando la expansión de esta última la alcanza. Para bien o para mal, la periferia tiende a implementar cambios a partir del orden urbano conocido o cercano (Lindón, 2020). Este crecimiento del centro a la periferia se gesta, como lo menciona Marlown Cuenca (2019), a partir de dinámicas sociales difíciles de controlar con fuertes bases en la informalidad, una característica que abre posibilidades para los más pobres. Autores como González García (2018) y Ribeiro et al. (2023) han propuesto abordar las periferias como espacios de bordes y fronteras urbanas, donde se superponen dinámicas de informalidad, desposesión y organización comunitaria. Este enfoque permite reconocer la heterogeneidad de las periferias, problematizando su tradicional asociación exclusiva con espacios marginales o informales localizados en las afueras de las ciudades. Feltrán (2010); Lindón (2017) y Souza et al., (2020) coinciden en señalar que la producción social de la periferia es una práctica territorial que reconfigura permanentemente sus sentidos y localizaciones, produciendo también subjetividades urbanas propias.

No obstante, buena parte de esta literatura se ha centrado en grandes urbes latinoamericanas y en barrios populares periféricos de las grandes ciudades, dejando escasamente exploradas las periferias amazónicas como territorios en expansión, particularmente aquellas habitadas por pueblos originarios cuyas trayectorias históricas, productivas y simbólicas, presentan dinámicas específicas.

Producción Social del Hábitat y Formas de Habitar Indígena en Zonas de Expansión

La producción social del hábitat, entendida como el conjunto de prácticas mediante las cuales comunidades populares y pueblos originarios construyen su espacio habitable desde procesos autogestionados o colectivos (Lefebvre, 1974; Castells, 2004), ha sido abordada en América Latina con énfasis en territorios rurales o en urbanizaciones populares informales. Boano (2015), destaca la capacidad de estas comunidades para producir hábitats alternativos a los modelos estatales o mercantiles, aunque señala, también, las limitaciones estructurales impuestas por políticas urbanas estandarizadas.

En el caso de los pueblos indígenas, la literatura se ha enfocado principalmente en hábitats rurales o de selva adentro. Trabajos como el de Pulgar Pinaud (2007) evidencian la importancia de las viviendas como espacios de reproducción cultural, organización social y gestión comunitaria, proponiendo metodologías participativas para el diseño de viviendas culturalmente pertinentes. Sin embargo, los estudios que abordan las formas de habitar indígena en ejes de expansión amazónica son escasos y dispersos, aunque como lo detallan Alexiades y Peluso (2016), la imagen idealizada de una Amazonía como territorio compuesto por poblaciones que habitan los bosques no es para nada precisa. Hoy en día, una porción significativa de la población indígena y rural reside en áreas urbanas o mantiene lazos importantes con ellas.

Hidalgo y Janoschka (2014) advierten que la urbanización acelerada en zonas amazónicas ha generado periferias donde confluyen poblaciones rurales migrantes y comunidades indígenas en transición. En ellas, la planificación estatal reproduce modelos urbanos homogeneizantes que desconocen las formas indígenas de ocupación y producción territorial. La urbanización de la periferia amazónica se ha dado a partir de la expansión de ciudades y poblados preexistentes y la aparición de nuevos asentamientos donde la improvisación, la precariedad, la escasez de infraestructura, servicios básicos de calidad y la falta de planificación o su deficiencia se han convertido en el denominador común de la estructuración e imagen urbana de dichas comunidades (Alexiades y Peluso, 2016).

Un caso cercano es el de la Urbanización ‘Hermana Guillermina Gavilanes’, donde se implementaron, en un lote en la periferia de Santa Clara (un pequeño poblado a 40 kilómetros al sur de Tena), un total de 62 viviendas de alrededor de 50 m2. Las viviendas, desarrolladas a partir de una única tipología denominada ‘Juntos por ti’, fueron destinadas a poblaciones en pobreza extrema, pobreza moderada, algunas de ellas con discapacidades. Dentro de las características de la población resalta el hecho de que provienen de zonas indígenas de hasta 40km a la redonda, sin ningún vínculo directo con el área urbana cercana (Brito y Mendoza, 2022). A esto se suma una propuesta estatal de ‘urbanización’ sin ninguna intención de relacionar las particularidades de la gente y sus modos de vida, generando un hábitat descontextualizado (ver Figura 2).

Participación Comunitaria y Productividad en Zonas de Expansión Urbana

Desde la década de 1980, se ha documentado ampliamente el papel de las periferias como comunidades de organización social y contestación política frente a los modelos estatales y neoliberales de urbanización (Castells, 1972; Zibechi, 2008). Particularmente, Zibechi (2008) destaca el potencial de las comunidades periféricas para construir alternativas urbanas desde la autogestión y la economía popular.

Más recientemente, Auyero y Servián (2023) han documentado cómo las periferias urbanas siguen siendo espacios de creación de ciudadanía popular y saberes organizativos, resistiendo procesos de desposesión urbana. Sin embargo, existe un déficit de estudios que aborden estas dinámicas en periferias amazónicas urbanas indígenas, y menos aún desde una perspectiva participativa que considere la vivienda como espacio productivo, cultural y organizativo.

En el campo de las metodologías participativas, Bayón et al. (2020) señalan la importancia de recuperar las metodologías colectivas en la construcción de propuestas de hábitat popular, pero advierten que estas prácticas han tenido escasa aplicación en territorios amazónicos urbanos, donde predomina una gestión estatal verticalista y centralizada.

Este vacío es particularmente evidente en lo que respecta a propuestas habitacionales participativas que integren vivienda, producción económica familiar y gestión comunitaria en contextos amazónicos urbanos, cuestión que este estudio busca abordar. En primer lugar, existe escasa documentación sobre las periferias en zonas de expansión amazónica con presencia de indígenas, pese a constituir territorios estratégicos para comprender las dinámicas de desposesión, suburbanización desigual y transformación socioespacial que configuran las ciudades amazónicas en desarrollo. En segundo término, los estudios sobre la producción social del hábitat indígena en ciudades en desarrollo resultan limitados, especialmente en lo que respecta a su articulación con formas de vivienda productiva y organización familiar ampliada, elementos centrales para la reproducción cultural y económica de estas comunidades en ejes de expansión. Finalmente, se advierte una ausencia de sistematización de metodologías participativas aplicadas al diseño de programas habitacionales en periferias amazónicas, lo que restringe la generación de alternativas habitacionales pertinentes y sostenibles. Estas líneas de trabajo dialogan con los planteamientos de Hidalgo y Janoschka (2014) sobre una comprensión de las periferias latinoamericanas más allá de su condición geográfica, como territorios afectados por procesos de acumulación por desposesión del hábitat y desplazamientos múltiples. En este marco, el artículo presenta una aproximación empírica y conceptual al debate sobre las periferias amazónicas, específicamente en el caso de la ciudad de Tena, a partir de la construcción participativa de un modelo de Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA) que integra vivienda, producción económica y gestión comunitaria desde una perspectiva intercultural, territorial y de derecho al hábitat.

Metodología

Esta investigación se desarrolló bajo un enfoque cualitativo interpretativo, con énfasis en metodologías participativas orientadas a la producción de información territorial, habitacional y productiva en comunidades kichwas amazónicas asentadas en la periferia. En este trabajo se aborda la zona de expansión urbana de la ciudad de Tena-Ecuador hacia la parroquia Muyuna. La elección del enfoque participativo responde a la necesidad de incorporar los saberes y prácticas sociales locales de estas comunidades indígenas en la construcción de propuestas habitacionales culturalmente pertinentes (Pulgar, 2007; Barros, 2024).

El estudio se concibió como un caso múltiple, combinando técnicas participativas, herramientas etnográficas y procesos de co-diseño arquitectónico con las comunidades involucradas, a fin de caracterizar sus dinámicas productivas y del habitar, y construir colectivamente lineamientos para programas habitacionales desde un enfoque arquitectónico que permita la formulación del modelo de Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA).

El trabajo de campo se llevó a cabo entre enero y noviembre de 2024, periodo en el cual se ejecutó una secuencia de tres procesos participativos por cada una de las comunidades, complementados con recorridos de observación directa, entrevistas informales y levantamiento cartográfico social. A partir de estos procesos no solo se obtuvieron diagnósticos y priorizaciones, sino también criterios y componentes espaciales para una nueva propuesta habitacional. El proceso participativo se desarrolló en trece comunidades de la zona de estudio, involucrando un total de setenta y dos familias, con al menos cinco por comunidad. En algunos casos participaron varios integrantes de un mismo núcleo familiar.

La metodología contempló una fase inicial de capacitación a practicantes universitarios sobre la aplicación de los talleres participativos y la sensibilización para el trabajo con comunidades kichwas. Posteriormente, se efectuaron visitas de reconocimiento territorial y reuniones con representantes locales, tras las cuales se firmaron acuerdos de consentimiento informado, garantizando la colaboración, la confidencialidad y el uso responsable de la información.

El calendario de talleres se definió de manera consensuada con las comunidades, respetando sus tiempos sociales y productivos. Algunas actividades debieron reagendarse, aun así, los encuentros se completaron entre los periodos marzo–abril y septiembre–noviembre, asegurando la participación plena.

Gracias a la experiencia previa del equipo en procesos territoriales amazónicos, se implementaron estrategias de comunicación intercultural mediante íconos, mapas y recursos gráficos, que facilitaron la interacción con comuneros cuya lengua principal es el kichwa. La inclusión de practicantes pertenecientes a los propios grupos locales fortaleció la mediación cultural y la confianza durante los talleres (ver Figura 3).

La técnica central empleada fue la entrevista grupal apoyada en herramientas participativas —mapas parlantes, cartografías sociales y matrices temáticas—, desarrollada tanto en viviendas familiares como en espacios comunales, según la dinámica de cada comunidad.

Este proceso garantizó la validez participativa y la pertinencia cultural de la información obtenida, adaptando las dinámicas metodológicas a la diversidad territorial y organizativa de las comunidades kichwas. La experiencia confirmó que la flexibilidad, la mediación intercultural y la reciprocidad investigadora–comunidad fueron claves para sostener la participación y fortalecer la construcción colectiva del conocimiento.

Más allá de la aplicación instrumental de técnicas participativas, el proceso permitió evaluar críticamente la pertinencia y los límites de cada metodología en el contexto amazónico. Se constató que la cartografía social y los mapas parlantes resultaron especialmente eficaces para facilitar la comunicación intercultural, mientras que las matrices temáticas y de priorización demandaron un acompañamiento más cercano de los facilitadores debido a la diversidad lingüística y de niveles de alfabetización. Asimismo, las lluvias intensas y las dinámicas productivas estacionales generaron ajustes constantes en los calendarios, evidenciando que la flexibilidad metodológica es un componente estructural del trabajo participativo. Esta reflexión se incorpora en la hipótesis, al reconocer que las metodologías participativas no solo producen información, sino también conocimiento situado sobre los procesos de co-diseño habitacional.

Las etapas de trabajo participativo se organizaron en cuatro momentos secuenciales: diagnóstico territorial y habitacional participativo; análisis de actividades productivas comunitarias; formulación participativa de lineamientos CPA, y sistematización y conceptualización arquitectónica. El primero se realizó a partir de la cartografía social de cada comunidad, de sus áreas productivas y problemáticas locales, y de la identificación de los patrones de agrupamiento familiar y espacios colectivos. El segundo, mediante mapeo participativo de oficios, cultivos y prácticas productivas, enfatizando las actividades económicas estratégicas de la comunidad e identificando carencias productivas vinculadas a la vivienda y el entorno. El siguiente fue la construcción colectiva de criterios para viviendas productivas con pertinencia cultural kichwa, definición participativa de los componentes productivos, habitacionales y culturales, y la deliberación comunitaria sobre la organización espacial y funcional deseada. Finalmente, se sintetizaron resultados y lineamientos y se tradujeron en un programa arquitectónico habitacional para las comunidades y en una propuesta espacial funcional de CPA sobre un lote comunitario que agrupa viviendas tipo o mínimas, articulando vivienda, espacios productivos, culturales y de conservación ambiental.

La información generada se produjo a través de cartografías sociales elaboradas por las comunidades, de matrices de priorización de actividades productivas, matrices temáticas de problemas, notas de campo y registros audiovisuales de recorridos, y observaciones directas y diálogos informales a dirigentes y habitantes.

Además, es importante acotar que el análisis se organizó en torno a tres dimensiones previamente definidas: organización social y estructura familiar kichwa, actividades productivas comunitarias, y condiciones habitacionales y desajustes con las formas de habitar local. A partir de estas, se realizó una síntesis que permitió construir lineamientos habitacionales y territoriales y estructurar un programa arquitectónico de una CPA, con base en la interpretación conjunta de los insumos generados en los talleres participativos.

Finalmente, se sistematizaron las relaciones entre las variables de estudio, las dinámicas territoriales observadas, los indicadores empíricos y las fuentes participativas utilizadas, como se muestra en la siguiente matriz de articulación entre variables, dinámicas, indicadores y fuentes (ver Tabla 1).

En el marco de la investigación general, los talleres participativos aplicados corresponden a la fase metodológica que sustenta el presente artículo, mientras el proceso continúa en desarrollo dentro de las comunidades, profundizando las escalas de trabajo desde el territorio hasta la vivienda y el conjunto habitacional. Las trece comunidades involucradas se agrupan en tres zonas que configuran el área de expansión más activa de Tena, donde convergen procesos de planificación, investigación y desarrollo territorial. Los hallazgos aquí presentados se derivan de la experiencia territorial que validó el proyecto Comunidades Productivas Amazónicas (CPA), desarrollado en conjunto con el MIDUVI, cuyo objetivo es caracterizar un modelo habitacional pertinente para la región amazónica. En este contexto, el artículo corresponde a la fase de formulación conceptual y metodológica del modelo CPA, construido a partir de la participación activa de comunidades kichwas y en articulación con el interés institucional del Estado. Los siguientes pasos de la investigación, actualmente en marcha, se orientan a la aplicación del modelo en estudios de caso específicos, con miras a su concreción proyectual y su futura integración en las políticas habitacionales amazónicas.

Resultados

Los resultados de esta investigación permiten identificar, a partir de los talleres participativos realizados en comunidades kichwas amazónicas de la periferia urbana de Tena y de la posterior conceptualización arquitectónica, tres dimensiones centrales que estructuran las dinámicas de organización social, actividades productivas y condiciones habitacionales en estos territorios. A partir de estas dimensiones se definen los lineamientos que sustentan la propuesta de un programa de vivienda productiva amazónica CPA y su modelo de organización espacial.

Los resultados que se presentan a continuación contrastan directamente la hipótesis de que las metodologías participativas permiten visibilizar y proyectar formas alternativas de hábitat indígena. A partir del análisis de la información generada en los talleres y de la reflexión sobre su aplicación, se identificaron tres dimensiones estructurantes del hábitat kichwa amazónico.

Organización Social y Estructura Familiar Kichwa

El diagnóstico participativo reveló que la organización social de estas comunidades se mantiene articulada en torno a grupos familiares extensos, compuestos por núcleos familiares que habitan viviendas cercanas y comparten espacios e infraestructuras de uso común. En los mapas sociales elaborados se registró un promedio de tres grupos familiares principales por asentamiento, cuya organización territorial obedece a vínculos de parentesco y prácticas ancestrales. Las tipologías familiares identificadas fueron: familia nuclear (60%), familia unipersonal (10%) y familia extensa (30%).

Actividades Productivas Familiares y Comunitarias

La economía familiar y comunitaria de los asentamientos analizados se sustenta en un sistema mixto de producción agroforestal, artesanal y de autoconsumo. La actividad central y común a todas las localidades es la chacra, entendida como un espacio de cultivo familiar basado en saberes ancestrales. A esta se suman, en orden de predominancia, la elaboración y venta de artesanías, la cría de aves menores, el uso de medicina natural y la pesca en ríos y vertientes de agua.

Estas prácticas, identificadas mediante cartografías sociales y matrices de priorización participativa, garantizan la autosuficiencia alimentaria y económica, configurando un modo de vida colectivo que articula conocimientos tradicionales con dinámicas emergentes propias de las zonas de expansión urbana. Asimismo, se constató que las familias desarrollan estas actividades tanto en sus viviendas como en espacios comunitarios, lo cual constituye una expresión concreta de su forma de organización social y territorial.

Condiciones Habitacionales y Desajustes con las Formas de Habitar Local

Los talleres de cartografía social participativa y las matrices temáticas de problemas habitacionales permitieron identificar múltiples precariedades en las viviendas existentes. Las construcciones presentan limitaciones de habitabilidad, con materiales improvisados y sin acceso continuo a servicios básicos.

Las carencias prioritarias señaladas por los participantes fueron la insuficiencia de espacios productivos anexos a la vivienda, necesarios para el desarrollo de actividades familiares como la agricultura, crianza de animales o elaboración de productos; la falta de adecuación o adaptación de las tipologías habitacionales frente a la organización familiar extendida, una condición generalizada de las comunidades kichwas, y las deficiencias en servicios básicos (agua, saneamiento) y en la conectividad vial interna, que limita la integración barrial y el acceso a servicios externos.

En la evaluación participativa en escala, el 90 % de los participantes manifestó que los programas estatales de vivienda social no reconocen las formas propias de habitar kichwa ni sus dinámicas productivas y comunitarias. Además, varios señalaron que su forma de posesión de la tierra —frecuentemente colectiva, heredada o sin título formal individual— les impide acceder a los beneficios de los programas estatales de vivienda, los cuales exigen la propiedad formal como requisito de postulación. Esta situación refuerza la exclusión de las comunidades kichwas de los mecanismos de apoyo habitacional y pone de relieve la necesidad de ajustar las políticas públicas para incorporar modalidades de tenencia y gestión comunitaria del suelo propias del territorio amazónico.

Conceptualización de la Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA): organización y funcionalidad

A partir de estos hallazgos se establecieron lineamientos territoriales y espaciales para un programa habitacional específico que responda a las formas de organización social y productiva de las comunidades kichwas amazónicas. Dentro de la metodología, se consultaron con los participantes las áreas destinadas a las actividades productivas, domésticas y comunitarias, considerando tanto las superficies actuales como las dimensiones óptimas para su desarrollo. Este análisis permitió definir el lote mínimo de referencia en 5,000m² como la unidad base de la CPA, superficie que equilibra funciones familiares y colectivas y permite proyectar un máximo de doce unidades de vivienda.

En su formulación, el modelo busca mantener coherencia con los lineamientos del MIDUVI, particularmente en cuanto a la definición del lote familiar mínimo, pero ajustándolos a las particularidades ambientales y culturales del hábitat amazónico. Por ello, se conserva como referencia el lote familiar de 13 × 15 m, sobre el cual, en investigaciones transversales del mismo proyecto, se desarrollan actualmente las tipologías específicas de vivienda, adaptadas a los grupos familiares kichwas y sus actividades productivas (ver Figura 4).

Aunque el lote de 5,000m² constituye la unidad base del programa habitacional, las proporciones pueden escalarse entre 10,000 y 20,000m² según las características y disponibilidad territorial de cada comunidad, manteniendo la relación funcional entre las áreas privadas y colectivas.

El modelo se organiza en dos áreas complementarias (ver Figura 4): por un lado, el lote de vivienda unifamiliar (47%) que agrupa diversas tipologías según los grupos familiares e incorpora espacios básicos (sala, comedor, cocina, baño, área de lavado y dormitorios) y adicionales definidos por los participantes, como huerta, área avícola y fogón; por otro lado, el terreno comunitario colectivo (53%), destinado a actividades compartidas, integra la chacra comunitaria, una zona cultural para encuentros y transmisión de saberes, el fogón colectivo, áreas de producción artesanal, además de espacios infantiles y de parqueo. Esta configuración refleja un equilibrio planificado entre lo privado y lo comunitario, priorizando la sostenibilidad productiva, la organización social y el fortalecimiento cultural. Asimismo, la CPA integra símbolos y prácticas culturales que fortalecen la identidad colectiva: la chacra, como espacio productivo y de soberanía alimentaria, el fogón ancestral, como lugar de encuentro intergeneracional y la guayusupina, ceremonia matutina que refuerza la cohesión comunitaria y la toma de decisiones.

Discusión

Los hallazgos de esta investigación se integran a la discusión contemporánea sobre las periferias urbanas en América Latina, reafirmando que las periferias amazónicas no deben entenderse únicamente como espacios marginales o carentes de planificación, sino como territorios activos de producción social del hábitat, resistencia cultural y construcción de ciudadanía desde abajo (Castells, 2004; Zibechi, 2008). En consonancia con González García (2018) y Ribeiro et al. (2023), este estudio evidencia que las comunidades kichwas de Tena sostienen formas organizativas y productivas que desbordan los marcos normativos de la planificación estatal, configurando la periferia como un espacio de transición socioespacial y generación de saberes alternativos.

Los resultados obtenidos permiten contrastar la hipótesis central, mostrando que las metodologías participativas no solo producen información diagnóstica, sino conocimiento situado, capaz de articular la dimensión social, productiva y cultural del hábitat con su proyección arquitectónica. La efectividad de estas metodologías depende, sin embargo, de su capacidad para adaptarse a la temporalidad, lengua y dinámicas comunitarias amazónicas. De este modo, la participación se comprende no como una técnica, sino como un proceso político y cultural de construcción colectiva del hábitat.

La experiencia también evidenció tensiones metodológicas, como las diferencias en los niveles de participación y comprensión entre comunidades o las limitaciones impuestas por la traducción intercultural, que influyeron en la profundidad de los resultados. Estos aspectos matizan la hipótesis inicial y permiten comprenderla no como un principio comprobado, sino como un proceso en evolución.

En esta línea, la Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA) se plantea como un modelo que dialoga con las políticas estatales de vivienda, traduce los valores culturales en organización espacial, y diversifica las estrategias de hábitat amazónico, ofreciendo una lectura crítica sobre la aplicabilidad de los programas habitacionales vigentes en contextos interculturales. Esta propuesta no busca reemplazar políticas existentes, sino complementarlas desde la realidad de los territorios amazónicos, proponiendo mecanismos que reconozcan la diversidad cultural y productiva como dimensiones estructurantes del hábitat.

De manera complementaria, resulta pertinente mencionar el trabajo de Rojas, Longo y Pérez (2025), quienes destacan que los procesos de co-diseño participativo permiten reconocer la diversidad territorial y los saberes locales en la planificación ambiental. Su enfoque, basado en la integración de perspectivas de género y servicios ecosistémicos, refuerza la importancia de metodologías colaborativas para promover la justicia ambiental y territorial desde las comunidades. Al igual que en su estudio, la presente investigación demuestra que los enfoques participativos generan propuestas más pertinentes, inclusivas y sostenibles, al vincular directamente las prácticas cotidianas con el ordenamiento espacial.

Desde esta perspectiva, la CPA se presenta como una forma de contestación simbólica y material a los esquemas estandarizados de vivienda social, que han ignorado históricamente las formas de habitar indígena. La presencia de espacios como la chacra comunitaria, el fogón ancestral y espacio cultural para la guayusupina evidencian la persistencia de prácticas culturales que configuran un hábitat colectivo en diálogo con lo urbano, pero desde una lógica propia. Al mismo tiempo, se reconocen las tensiones internas que atraviesan a estas comunidades, como la progresiva pérdida de prácticas tradicionales y la percepción de que el uso de materiales convencionales como el cemento equivale a ‘modernización’, factores que influyen en la calidad habitacional y en la apropiación del espacio construido.

Si bien los resultados fortalecen la validez conceptual del modelo CPA, el estudio reconoce ciertos alcances y desafíos. El presente trabajo corresponde a la fase de formulación conceptual y metodológica del modelo, construido desde la participación activa de comunidades kichwas y en articulación con el interés institucional del MIDUVI. La validación comunitaria e institucional de los lineamientos se concibe como un proceso en desarrollo, orientado a la aplicación del modelo en estudios de caso específicos y a su futura incorporación en políticas habitacionales. Este carácter progresivo reafirma que la CPA no se limita a una formulación académica, sino que se consolida a través del diálogo y la práctica territorial.

Como líneas futuras de investigación, se propone evaluar la implementación y apropiación comunitaria del modelo CPA, así como su incidencia en la formulación de políticas públicas interculturales de vivienda. Resulta también relevante documentar las transformaciones socioespaciales que emerjan de su aplicación, analizando su impacto en la sostenibilidad territorial, la cohesión social y el fortalecimiento identitario de las comunidades.

En síntesis, el estudio confirma que los territorios indígenas urbanos demandan soluciones habitacionales y reconocimiento de sus propias formas de producir, organizar y habitar el espacio. La propuesta de la CPA asume las formas tradicionales de habitar como base para una transformación crítica del hábitat amazónico, capaz de integrar los saberes locales con los desafíos contemporáneos de sostenibilidad, confort y gestión territorial.

Conclusiones

Los hallazgos de esta investigación permiten concluir que las periferias amazónicas habitadas por comunidades kichwas constituyen territorios complejos, marcados por la coexistencia entre dinámicas urbanas emergentes y formas de habitar ancestrales. A diferencia de los enfoques oficiales que tienden a homogeneizar la vivienda social bajo parámetros técnicos y desconectados del territorio, el modelo de Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA) evidencia la posibilidad de construir soluciones habitacionales interculturales y sostenibles, desde y con las comunidades.

La organización social basada en familias extendidas, la centralidad de la chacra y del fogón como espacios de producción y encuentro, y la presencia de prácticas culturales como la guayusupina, constituyen elementos fundamentales para repensar el hábitat amazónico en clave de derecho, identidad y sostenibilidad. En este sentido, se ratifica la hipótesis de que las metodologías participativas permiten identificar carencias y activar procesos de planificación urbana situada, capaces de traducir la territorialidad kichwa en lineamientos de diseño habitacional culturalmente pertinente.

Asimismo, el estudio reafirma que la CPA representa una forma concreta de contestación a los modelos de urbanización extractiva, proponiendo una vía alternativa de cohabitación y reproducción cultural en contextos de expansión urbana. Su enfoque integral constituye un aporte significativo al debate sobre vivienda colectiva en la región amazónica.

Finalmente, el artículo corresponde a la fase de formulación conceptual y metodológica del modelo CPA, desarrollada en articulación con comunidades kichwas y el interés institucional del MIDUVI. Las siguientes etapas de la investigación profundizan en su aplicación mediante estudios de caso y procesos de validación comunitaria e institucional, orientados a consolidar el modelo como referencia para futuras políticas públicas inclusivas y territorialmente contextualizadas en la Amazonía ecuatoriana. La validación institucional y comunitaria del modelo CPA constituye una etapa en curso dentro del proceso investigativo general, como un componente evolutivo del diálogo entre academia, comunidad y política pública.

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CPA: Comunidad/es Productiva/s Amazónica/s

MIDUVI: Ministerio de Desarrollo Urbano y Vivienda

Karina Alexandra Chérrez Rodas

Doctoranda en Sostenibilidad y Regeneración Urbana por la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid. Especialista en diseño urbano y arquitectura sostenible en contextos amazónicos, graduada de la Universidad de Cuenca y magíster en Diseño Urbano Arquitectónico por la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Docente investigadora en la Universidad Regional Amazónica Ikiam desde el 2019, fue directora de la carrera de Arquitectura Sostenible en 2022–2023 y 2024–2025. Lidera el Laboratorio de Diseño Sostenible para Espacios Habitables y la línea “Diseño y Regeneración del Paisaje”. Cuenta con artículos, libro y ponencias nacionales e internacionales, enfocadas en sostenibilidad y territorio amazónico.

Leonardo Francisco Coloma Casañas

Arquitecto, Urbanista y Docente e Investigador de la Universidad Regional Amazónica. Ikiam. Sus enseñanzas e investigaciones abarcan la Teoría e Historia de la Arquitectura, el Urbanismo y las transiciones entre los entornos naturales y construidos. En la actualidad, busca promover investigaciones y proyectos involucrados con asentamientos humanos en la Amazonía ecuatoriana, la expansión urbana sobre el territorio y la identidad de dichas sociedades. Además, desarrolla proyectos de arquitectura y construcción.

Autores

Modelo habitacional participativo para comunidades kichwas amazónicas

La investigación propone la categoría de Comuni­dad Productiva Amazónica (CPA) como modelo de hábitat culturalmente pertinente, resultado de un proceso participativo con comunidades ki­chwas amazónicas en la periferia de la ciudad de Tena. El estudio busca generar aportes conceptuales y proyectuales capaces de enriquecer y diversificar la política estatal de vivienda colectiva en la región amazónica ecuatoriana, integrando los saberes locales y las dinámicas propias del territorio.

Figura 1. Ubicación de comunidades kichwa dentro de las zonas de expansión urbana de Tena

Fuente: Elaboración propia.

Figura 2. Producción estatal de vivienda en la Amazonía, “Urbanización Hermana Guillermina Gavilanes” (izquierda) en contraste con las viviendas comunitarias, ambas en periferias urbanas

Fuente: Elaboración propia.

Figura 3. Desarrollo de procesos participativos con diversas metodologías

Fuente: Elaboración propia.

Tabla 1. Matriz metodológica de variables, dinámicas e indicadores participativos

Fuente: Elaboración propia con base en los procesos participativos realizados.

Figura 4. Conceptualización del modelo habitacional Comunidad Productiva Amazónica (CPA)

Fuente: Elaboración propia.

Fuente: Autoría propia

Inteligencia híbrida e innovación urbana.

Análisis de casos

Hybrid intelligence and urban innovation.

Case analysis

Intelligence hybride et innovation urbaine.

Analyse de cas

Inteligência híbrida e inovação urbana.

Análise de casos

Ricardo García-Vegas

Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (España)

ricardo.garcia.vegas@urjc.es

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9805-5410

Pedro Marcos García López

Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (España)

pedromarcos.garcia@urjc.es

https://orcid.org/0009-0000-2181-3076

Cómo citar este artículo:

García-Vegas, R. & García López, P. M. (2025). Inteligencia híbrida e innovación urbana. Análisis de casos. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): -257.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.120138

Recibido: 2/7/2025

Aprobado: 12/11/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

(3) 2025: -257

Autores

18_120138

Resumen

Este artículo analiza el potencial transformador de la inteligencia híbrida —entendida como la combinación de inteligencia humana, colectiva y artificial— en los procesos de innovación urbana. A partir de una metodología cualitativa basada en el estudio de casos, se examinan tres experiencias internacionales que ilustran cómo esta articulación de inteligencias permite configurar nuevas formas de acción pública orientadas a la resolución de desafíos sociales complejos en las ciudades. Los casos analizados muestran que la incorporación de tecnologías de inteligencia artificial, combinadas con la participación ciudadana y la colaboración multisectorial, puede ampliar las capacidades de los gobiernos locales en términos de innovación, análisis de datos, toma de decisiones y diseño de políticas públicas más inclusivas. El artículo identifica cuatro dimensiones clave que emergen de estas experiencias: empoderamiento digital, sinergia entre inteligencias, colaboración intersectorial y uso estratégico de las narrativas.

Palabras clave: ciudades del aprendizaje, interacción hombre-máquina, innovación, participación social, inteligencia artificial

Abstract

This article analyzes the transformative potential of hybrid intelligence—understood as the combination of human, collective, and artificial intelligence—in urban innovation processes. Based on a qualitative methodology using case study analysis, the article examines three international experiences that illustrate how the articulation of these forms of intelligence enables new modes of public action aimed at addressing complex social challenges in cities. The cases analyzed show that the integration of artificial intelligence technologies, combined with citizen participation and multisectoral collaboration, can enhance the capacities of local governments in terms of innovation, data analysis, decision-making, and the design of more inclusive public policies. The article identifies four key dimensions emerging from these experiences: digital empowerment, synergy among intelligences, cross-sector collaboration, and the strategic use of narratives.

Keywords: learning cities, human machine interaction, innovation, social participation, artificial intelligence

Resumo

Este artigo analisa o potencial transformador da inteligência híbrida — entendida como a combinação da inteligência humana, coletiva e artificial — nos processos de inovação urbana. Com base em uma metodologia qualitativa fundamentada no estudo de casos, são examinadas três experiências internacionais que ilustram como essa articulação de inteligências possibilita configurar novas formas de ação pública voltadas para a resolução de desafios sociais complexos nas cidades. Os casos analisados demonstram que a incorporação de tecnologias de inteligência artificial, aliada à participação cidadã e à colaboração multissetorial, pode ampliar as capacidades dos governos locais em termos de inovação, análise de dados, tomada de decisão e elaboração de políticas públicas mais inclusivas. O artigo identifica quatro dimensões-chave que emergem dessas experiências: empoderamento digital, sinergia entre inteligências, colaboração intersetorial e uso estratégico das narrativas.

Palavras-chave: cidades de aprendizagem, interação homem-máquina, inovação, participação social, inteligência artificial

Résumé

L’article examine le potentiel transformateur de l’intelligence hybride — entendue comme la combinaison des intelligences humaine, collective et artificielle — dans les processus d’innovation urbaine. À partir d’une méthodologie qualitative fondée sur des études de cas, il analyse trois expériences internationales qui illustrent comment cette articulation ouvre de nouvelles formes d’action publique face à des défis urbains complexes. Les cas montrent que l’intégration de l’intelligence artificielle, associée à la participation citoyenne et à la collaboration multisectorielle, peut renforcer les capacités des gouvernements locaux en matière d’innovation, d’analyse de données, de décision et de conception de politiques plus inclusives. Quatre dimensions clés se dégagent : l’autonomisation numérique, la synergie entre intelligences, la collaboration intersectorielle et l’usage stratégique des récits.

Mots-clés : villes apprenantes, interaction personne-machine, publique, participation sociale, intelligence artificielle

Introducción

Las ciudades constituyen los principales núcleos de innovación y generación de conocimiento, funcionan como espacios que atraen talento, propician la experimentación, la aparición de nuevos productos, servicios e ideas y, en términos generales, de formas alternativas de organización y acción (De la Roca & Puga, 2017).

La aplicación de la Ley de Kleber, utilizada originalmente para relacionar masa y metabolismo en seres vivos, permite analizar con precisión fenómenos urbanos como la energía y el crecimiento del transporte (Johnson, 2011). El trabajo confirma así el valor de las ciudades como espacios que impulsan la innovación. El autor subraya que el hallazgo más relevante aparece en los indicadores de creatividad e innovación, donde se observa una relación positiva entre el crecimiento urbano y la generación de ideas.

Las redes e interacciones sociales ofrecen una clave para comprender por qué las ciudades constituyen entornos propicios para la innovación (De la Roca & Puga, 2017). Si bien hay factores individuales que afectan la capacidad creativa e innovadora de cada persona y su forma de aprovechar las oportunidades del entorno, es esencial considerar el impacto de los procesos de intercambio de información, aprendizajes y conocimiento entre los integrantes de las diversas redes que operan en los entornos urbanos.

El entorno urbano aparece como espacio que sostiene un flujo continuo de aprendizaje derivado de la diversidad de interacciones sociales y empresariales. Estas interacciones, distribuidas de forma desigual entre barrios, moldean comportamientos y favorecen la imitación y la adquisición de habilidades observadas en el entorno próximo (Glaeser, 1997).

En un contexto de economía global e interconexión creciente, la acumulación de conocimiento actúa como motor de transformación territorial y genera ventajas competitivas, lo que explica que los países industrializados refuercen sus políticas de investigación, desarrollo e innovación frente a enfoques centrados en factores productivos tradicionales. Una parte central de ese conocimiento se expresa en el capital humano, cuya concentración urbana responde a interacciones sociales, políticas públicas que impulsan la investigación y la educación, dinámicas de atracción de talento y flujos migratorios (Ayala et al., 2024). Esta concentración facilita procesos de innovación al atraer talento, reforzar la acumulación de conocimiento y favorecer la localización de empresas tecnológicas e innovadoras, consolidando así la capacidad transformadora de las ciudades.

En estos espacios urbanos destaca tanto la creatividad individual como el peso de las interacciones sociales que sostienen el aprendizaje compartido. Desde esta perspectiva, la inteligencia colectiva es central para el intercambio de ideas y la colaboración entre diversos actores. El avance acelerado de las tecnologías digitales, y en particular de la inteligencia artificial, amplía este enfoque al añadir nuevas capacidades para procesar información y apoyar decisiones. La articulación de inteligencia humana, colectiva y artificial configura así un escenario inédito, con potencial para transformar la manera en que las ciudades abordan sus retos y redefinen sus modelos de innovación urbana.

Esta revolución tecnológica, sustentada en el conocimiento y la innovación científica, inaugura un nuevo ciclo en el que la acción pública urbana puede abordarse desde una perspectiva integradora, articulando estas tres formas de inteligencia en procesos creativos orientados a la transformación social. En este marco, el artículo busca responder a la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿Cómo contribuye la combinación de inteligencia humana, colectiva y artificial a la generación de modelos de innovación urbana orientados a la resolución de desafíos sociales complejos?

Marco Conceptual: Innovación, Inteligencias y Papel de los Gobiernos Locales

La innovación se concibe como un proceso orientado a crear productos y servicios nuevos, o a introducir mejoras significativas que respondan a las necesidades de la ciudadanía (OECD, 2018). Su desarrollo depende del conocimiento y las capacidades de personas e instituciones para interpretar el entorno y generar soluciones. En el sector público, adquiere un valor estratégico cuando los gobiernos impulsan modelos colaborativos que integran a actores públicos, privados y sociales (OECD, 2019). En este marco, la inteligencia constituye un elemento central y puede entenderse como la capacidad de discernir en contextos complejos, valorar alternativas y tomar decisiones informadas (Mulgan, 2018).

La inteligencia colectiva se entiende como la capacidad que emerge de la colaboración y competencia entre múltiples individuos para enfrentar problemas complejos y alcanzar objetivos compartidos que no serían posibles de manera individual (Noubel, 2006). No equivale a la suma de inteligencias individuales, sino que resulta de integrar perspectivas y habilidades diversas, un proceso fortalecido por las tecnologías digitales, mediante las cuales grupos organizados o distribuidos generan datos y conocimiento útil para abordar desafíos complejos (Malone et al., 2010).

La inteligencia artificial se refiere a sistemas diseñados para realizar tareas asociadas al pensamiento humano, como la toma de decisiones, la resolución de problemas y el aprendizaje. Estos sistemas incorporan capacidades como el procesamiento del lenguaje natural, la percepción de objetos y la adaptación a nuevas situaciones mediante algoritmos de aprendizaje automático (Dellermann et al., 2021).

En este contexto, los gobiernos locales asumen un papel estratégico en los modelos de innovación urbana gracias a su proximidad a la ciudadanía y a su capacidad de intervenir directamente en el territorio, movilizar recursos y articular actores diversos. Esta posición se fortalece con el renovado enfoque del desarrollo local, que reconoce al territorio como protagonista en la toma de decisiones. Los gobiernos municipales pueden activar la ‘institucionalidad blanda’, integrada por asociaciones vecinales, cámaras empresariales, centros culturales o espacios deliberativos, una red que favorece la confianza reduce costes de transacción y genera incentivos para la cooperación (Sanguinetti et al., 2010). Estas dinámicas consolidan a los gobiernos locales como actores clave para impulsar innovación social y construir soluciones sostenibles junto a las comunidades.

Inteligencia Híbrida y Nuevas Capacidades para la Innovación Urbana

El desarrollo de las tecnologías digitales ha impulsado una transformación profunda en la evolución de la humanidad, siendo la inteligencia artificial uno de los motores de este proceso disruptivo. Su aplicación se extiende a prácticamente todas las esferas de la vida, incluyendo la salud, las finanzas, la manufactura, el medio ambiente, la cultura y la educación (International Telecommunication Union, 2024).

Aunque podría pensarse, de forma errónea, que la inteligencia humana y colectiva serán progresivamente reemplazadas por la inteligencia artificial, los avances científico-tecnológicos actuales evidencian que esta última presenta importantes limitaciones, especialmente en tareas que exigen adaptabilidad, sentido común y capacidad de decisión en entornos complejos y cambiantes (Cortés, 2023; Dellermann et al., 2021). Entre otras limitaciones, están los sesgos que infra representan a grupos desfavorecidos (Gutiérrez, 2023), las cajas negras algorítmicas, las Deepfakes, la vulneración de derechos como la privacidad (Cortés, 2023) y lo que se conoce como alucinaciones de la inteligencia artificial (Maleki et al., 2024)

Para afrontar estas limitaciones y promover productos y servicios innovadores orientados a las necesidades ciudadanas, se plantea el desarrollo de conjuntos socio-tecnológicos que articulen de forma complementaria la inteligencia humana y la inteligencia artificial. Estos sistemas, conocidos como inteligencia híbrida, permiten abordar tareas complejas en contextos reales al combinar las fortalezas específicas de humanos y máquinas (Dellermann et al., 2021). La interacción se basa en aportes diferenciados: la inteligencia artificial procesa grandes volúmenes de datos con precisión, mientras que la inteligencia humana introduce creatividad, juicio contextual y capacidad innovadora, generando una sinergia que eleva el rendimiento conjunto.

La premisa que sustenta estos sistemas es que ninguna forma de inteligencia —humana, colectiva o artificial— puede, por sí sola, desplegar todo su potencial frente a la complejidad de los problemas contemporáneos y la necesidad de innovar en ámbitos que inciden directamente en el bienestar social. La inteligencia humana, con su capacidad para el pensamiento crítico, la creatividad y la empatía, resulta indispensable para interpretar el contexto y abordar los matices éticos y culturales que caracterizan las situaciones reales (International Telecommunication Union, 2024).

La inteligencia colectiva, que surge de la colaboración entre múltiples individuos, aporta una diversidad de perspectivas y conocimientos que enriquecen los procesos de deliberación y fortalecen la calidad de la toma de decisiones. Por su parte, la inteligencia artificial ofrece una capacidad de procesamiento y análisis de datos a gran escala que supera las limitaciones humanas en términos de velocidad y precisión.

El valor de los sistemas de inteligencia combinada radica en su capacidad para promover una nueva etapa en la que humanos y máquinas colaboran de forma sinérgica, generando enfoques innovadores para afrontar los desafíos del presente y del futuro que pueden ser adaptados a las realidades de las ciudades. La inteligencia híbrida puede contribuir de manera significativa al progreso social, impulsar la innovación, optimizar la asignación de recursos, mejorar las capacidades de gestión y gobernanza y fomentar el desarrollo educativo y cultural (Liu & Fu, 2024).

Creatividad y Combinación Humano-Máquina en los Procesos de Innovación

La creatividad constituye un componente esencial en los procesos de innovación. La literatura especializada ha abordado de forma exhaustiva las estrategias y herramientas más eficaces para potenciarla, sobre todo en entornos marcados por la dificultad de los desafíos públicos y la urgencia de encontrar respuestas efectivas. En esta línea, el artículo de Heyman et al. (2024) titulado “Supermind Ideator: How Scaffolding Human-AI Collaboration Can Increase Creativity”, analiza cómo las tecnologías de inteligencia artificial generativa, como los modelos de lenguaje de gran escala (LLM por sus siglas en inglés), pueden utilizarse para apoyar la resolución creativa de problemas. El estudio se centra en un sistema llamado Supermind Ideator, que utiliza un modelo de lenguaje ajustado y una interfaz de usuario especializada para ayudar a los usuarios a reformular problemas y generar posibles soluciones (Heyman et al., 2024). El Supermind Design es una metodología para diseñar sistemas de inteligencia colectiva donde personas y máquinas colaboran en la resolución de problemas complejos. Busca generar una amplia variedad de ideas, aumentando las posibilidades de encontrar soluciones innovadoras mediante la integración complementaria de capacidades humanas y computacionales.

Los autores desarrollaron este sistema para guiar a los usuarios a través de técnicas de resolución creativa de problemas. En un estudio experimental analizado por Heyman et al. (2024), se encontró que las personas que utilizaron el Supermind Ideator generaron ideas significativamente más innovadoras que las generadas por personas que trabajaron solas. El artículo analiza cómo la combinación de la experiencia humana y las capacidades de la inteligencia artificial generativa potencian la resolución de problemas, destacando la importancia de diseñar herramientas específicas para mejorar estos sistemas.

El Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) ha aplicado esta metodología del Supermind Design en diversas colaboraciones con organizaciones públicas para abordar desafíos complejos mediante sistemas de inteligencia colectiva (MIT, 2025). En 2020, en colaboración con el gobierno japonés y Takeda, desarrolló una plataforma de redes sociales habilitada por inteligencia artificial para mejorar la salud mental, facilitando la comunicación entre ciudadanos y profesionales, mejorando así la detección y tratamiento de la depresión. Durante la pandemia de COVID-19, el MIT utilizó el enfoque Supermind Design para analizar datos epidemiológicos, predecir la propagación del virus y optimizar los recursos médicos, combinando inteligencia humana y artificial para apoyar decisiones estratégicas en el ámbito de la salud pública. En otro caso, en colaboración con una agencia estadounidense, se implementaron sistemas que integraban inteligencia artificial y participación ciudadana para optimizar la distribución de beneficios sociales, reduciendo los tiempos de espera y aumentando la satisfacción de los usuarios.

En los procesos de innovación, un elemento central es la creación de equipos multidisciplinarios capaces de abordar problemas o desafíos desde diversas perspectivas para generar soluciones innovadoras (Sadler, 2000). El cumplimiento de estas tareas representa retos importantes para las organizaciones, evaluables en función del tiempo necesario para lograr los objetivos, la gestión del personal —incluyendo salarios, capacidades y habilidades— y los recursos tangibles e intangibles requeridos para su ejecución.

En el artículo “A test for evaluating performance inhuman-computer system” se propone y desarrolla un método para evaluar el rendimiento de los sistemas de colaboración entre humanos y computadoras, comparando su desempeño con el de humanos y computadoras actuando por separado (Camperoa et al., 2022). El estudio presenta una prueba para medir la sinergia entre humanos y computadoras mediante el cociente de medias como indicador del tamaño del efecto. En un experimento con programadores que usaron GPT-3, se observó una mejora del 27% en la velocidad de desarrollo. En otro, personas sin experiencia lograron resultados comparables a los programadores, pero a menor costo. Los hallazgos evidencian sinergia entre inteligencia humana e inteligencia artificial para tareas que no alcanzarían el mismo rendimiento si se realizaran por separado (Camperoa et al., 2022).

Estrategia Metodológica

Para abordar la pregunta de investigación, se ha utilizado la metodología de estudio de casos, especialmente útil para comprender dinámicas de gobernanza en entornos urbanos dinámicos, relacionados con procesos de innovación tecnológica y la colaboración multiactor. Se ha realizado una revisión de tres plataformas internacionales que integran las tres formas de inteligencia: Decide Madrid, Go Vocal y FloodTags.

Los criterios que se utilizaron para la selección de los casos fueron los siguientes: integración explícita de las tres formas de inteligencia —humana, colectiva y artificial—; orientación a la resolución de problemas o desafíos sociales relevantes; existencia de mecanismos efectivos de gobernanza, mediante la promoción de la colaboración y las alianzas estratégicas entre los actores públicos, privados y sociales; impulso por parte de instituciones gubernamentales, organizaciones de la sociedad civil o empresas tecnológicas con impacto en el territorio, y disponibilidad de información sobre sus características y funcionamiento mediante páginas web, informes o publicaciones de cualquier índole.

El análisis de los casos se estructuró en torno a seis categorías, entre las que destacan el ‘qué’, relacionado con los objetivos específicos de cada experiencia; el ‘cómo’, que describe el proceso de implementación; y el ‘por qué’, que explora las motivaciones de los actores implicados (Malone et al., 2010). El estudio empleó análisis documental debido a la falta de control sobre los eventos de cada caso. Se revisaron artículos, libros y capítulos para construir el marco conceptual y se examinó la información de las páginas web oficiales de los casos seleccionados para extraer resultados y elaborar conclusiones.

Contextualización de los Casos

Decide Madrid

Se trata de una plataforma digital del Ayuntamiento de Madrid (España), puesta en marcha en 2015, cuyo objetivo es implicar a la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones de la acción pública municipal y mejorar la calidad de vida de la comunidad. Los ciudadanos interactúan a través de diversos mecanismos de participación, como debates, propuestas ciudadanas, consultas públicas y presupuestos participativos, en torno a ideas y proyectos dirigidos a la transformación de la ciudad. En la plataforma se incorporan experiencias y proyectos de innovación social que enriquecen la participación ciudadana (Ayuntamiento de Madrid, s.f.).

La implicación ciudadana se realiza de manera individual o a través de los representantes de las organizaciones vecinales registradas en la plataforma. La motivación de la ciudadanía para participar radica en la posibilidad de contribuir a mejorar la calidad de vida de la ciudad de Madrid, trascendiendo el interés individual para formar parte de un esfuerzo colectivo. La decisión sobre qué proyectos se ejecutarán, de los sometidos a los procesos de consulta y votación, se basa en un proceso que considera estudios técnicos, presupuestarios y jurídicos a cargo de la Dirección General de Participación Ciudadana en colaboración con otras áreas de gobierno competentes. También existen experiencias de colaboración con otras instituciones públicas con las que se comparten herramientas y metodologías de innovación social.

Cada mecanismo de participación sigue un proceso estructurado. En los debates y propuestas ciudadanas, los usuarios deben registrarse en la plataforma; si una propuesta alcanza el 1% de apoyo de la población empadronada mayor de 16 años en Madrid, se somete a votación y se evalúa su viabilidad. Las consultas públicas recogen opiniones mediante cuestionarios y generan informes que se valoran en la acción municipal. Los presupuestos participativos incluyen la presentación, apoyo, evaluación y votación de proyectos, integrando los seleccionados en el anteproyecto de los Presupuestos Generales del Ayuntamiento.

Dentro de las experiencias y proyectos de innovación social, se desarrollan proyectos como ‘Comunidades y Experiencias’, donde las comunidades trabajan en mejores prácticas de participación en colaboración con otras instituciones. Se incluyen plataformas como ‘EPYCOS’ que destaca polos creativos en Madrid y ‘THIVIC’, un laboratorio de innovación social para resolver problemas públicos. ‘Diseña tu Territorio’ es otro proyecto que permite a la ciudadanía participar en el diseño urbano de la ciudad a través de herramientas de georreferenciación, mientras que las ‘Visitas Virtuales’ permiten explorar Madrid de forma digital, como en el proyecto ‘Bosque de los Abrazos Perdidos’.

La plataforma ha incorporado herramientas de inteligencia artificial para analizar grandes volúmenes de datos provenientes de las propuestas y debates ciudadanos. Estas herramientas ayudan a identificar temas emergentes, agrupar propuestas similares y ofrecer recomendaciones basadas en los patrones de participación (Ayuntamiento de Madrid, s.f.). La inteligencia artificial se ha integrado en proyectos clave como IGUALA, que utiliza el análisis avanzado de datos para identificar las áreas vulnerables en los distritos y barrios administrativos de la ciudad, con el objetivo de orientar el uso de los recursos públicos en la política de reequilibrio social y territorial de Madrid (Ayuntamiento de Madrid, 2024). Asimismo, se ha puesto en marcha el chatbot Clara, que asiste a los ciudadanos en la plataforma.

Decide Madrid ha fortalecido la participación ciudadana y la transparencia, incorporando inteligencia artificial para mejorar la experiencia del usuario. La educación cívica se ha reforzado al informar sobre el funcionamiento del gobierno local y la importancia de la participación. A pesar de los avances, existen áreas de mejora, como la promoción de la plataforma para una mayor interacción entre el Ayuntamiento y la ciudadanía.

Go Vocal

Es una plataforma de participación cívica diseñada para permitir que los gobiernos locales involucren a sus ciudadanos en el proceso de toma de decisiones, con el objetivo de construir democracias más participativas e inclusivas. Creada por una empresa SaaS, esta plataforma ofrece herramientas que mejoran las estrategias de participación, optimizar el lanzamiento y la gestión de proyectos sencillos, así como agilizar el flujo de información.

Fundada en Bélgica en 2015 por la empresa emergente CitizenLab, ha experimentado un crecimiento notable gracias a rondas de financiación exitosas y premios obtenidos en 2016. En 2019, recibieron una segunda ronda de financiación de $3 millones, expandiéndose a varios países, incluyendo el Reino Unido, Dinamarca, Chile, Francia y Países Bajos y en 2020 se establecieron en Estados Unidos. Entre 2021 y 2022, se asociaron con equipos en Suecia, Noruega y Turquía, colaborando con más de 500 gobiernos y organizaciones sociales en más de 20 países (Go Vocal, 2025).

Go Vocal articula un equipo multidisciplinar que, junto con expertos, gobiernos y organizaciones locales, trabaja por una democracia más inclusiva y abierta. La participación ciudadana se ve impulsada por el compromiso con la inclusión, la toma de decisiones compartida y la contribución a los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. La plataforma destaca por su enfoque en la inteligencia colectiva, combinando capacidades humanas y artificiales para promover la innovación en el sector público.

El proceso de implementación de las herramientas de Go Vocal comienza con un plan de suscripción adaptado a las necesidades y tamaño de la organización interesada, lo que convierte al suscriptor en un socio de la plataforma. Cada socio recibe formación, asesoramiento y apoyo por parte de un experto especializado que ayuda a utilizar la plataforma y sus funciones para crear y gestionar proyectos de participación ciudadana apoyados en la plataforma (Go Vocal, 2025).

Go Vocal mejora las estrategias de participación ciudadana mediante herramientas como la función de informar, que ofrece cronogramas interactivos, páginas de proyectos personalizadas y medios enriquecidos, y la función de consulta, que utiliza encuestas y sondeos para recoger opiniones. La plataforma permite analizar opciones, mapear ideas, colaborar en talleres en línea e impulsar propuestas comunitarias, votaciones y presupuestos participativos. La inteligencia artificial contribuye identificando prioridades comunitarias y agrupando comentarios similares para apoyar la toma de decisiones de los gobiernos locales.

Para optimizar el lanzamiento y la gestión de proyectos, la plataforma ofrece herramientas que permiten una configuración rápida y flexible, una comunicación eficaz a través de campañas de correo electrónico personalizadas y una gestión y moderación sencilla mediante la clasificación y filtrado de aportes de la comunidad (Go Vocal, 2025). Cuenta también con un cuadro de mando integrado con inteligencia artificial, que facilita el análisis de datos y la elaboración de políticas más receptivas. El asistente de IA, Sensemaking, acelera la comprensión de los aportes de la comunidad al agrupar rápidamente los datos por palabras clave y generar resúmenes concisos.

El aprendizaje obtenido a través de Go Vocal resalta la importancia de aprovechar la participación cívica para crear efectos positivos duraderos, valorando el empoderamiento de las comunidades. La adaptabilidad de la plataforma a diferentes contextos y su capacidad para manejar grandes cantidades de datos fortalecen su función en proyectos de participación ciudadana a gran escala.

FloodTags

Es una plataforma desarrollada en los Países Bajos por una empresa privada, que ofrece servicios de software especializados en el monitoreo en tiempo real de medios y el análisis detallado de eventos para realizar un seguimiento de inundaciones e incendios forestales. Para ello, utiliza datos provenientes de redes sociales como YouTube, páginas públicas de Facebook, artículos de noticias en línea, blogs y foros, de tal manera que la plataforma combina inteligencia artificial, procesamiento de lenguaje natural y revisión de imágenes para analizar la información recopilada (FloodTags, 2025).

El equipo de FloodTags trabaja con ONG, gobiernos en distintos niveles, empresas y sociedad civil, impulsado por un compromiso con la sostenibilidad ambiental y el bienestar de las comunidades afectadas por desastres naturales. Los actores involucrados buscan compartir conocimiento y recursos para fortalecer respuestas coordinadas, avanzar en la gestión global de desastres y contribuir al desarrollo de soluciones tecnológicas innovadoras.

El software de FloodTags gestiona el monitoreo de inundaciones e incendios forestales mediante funciones avanzadas que combinan el análisis de medios en tiempo real con herramientas de inteligencia artificial. Este sistema permite a los técnicos supervisar redes sociales y sitios web de medios globales, con la posibilidad de agregar más datos multimedia según lo requiera el usuario, facilitando la detección de eventos tanto antiguos como nuevos y ofreciendo información inmediata desde el terreno con cobertura global (FloodTags, 2025).

FloodTags combina datos, modelos predictivos e inteligencia colectiva para identificar rápidamente zonas afectadas y coordinar respuestas eficaces. Los usuarios reciben notificaciones de incidentes y pueden visualizar la información en mapas mediante georreferenciación. La plataforma permite solicitar informes detallados sobre eventos pasados, con datos sobre ubicación, causas, impactos y actores implicados. Además, incluye un chatbot que organiza información en grupos de chat y algoritmos de análisis de imágenes que detectan rasgos específicos relacionados con desastres (FloodTags, 2025).

El análisis muestra que el acceso a datos en tiempo real mejora la capacidad de respuesta ante desastres al facilitar decisiones más rápidas y efectivas. La colaboración entre organizaciones amplía el impacto y la tecnología debe adaptarse a distintos contextos, aunque persisten retos en la gestión ética y segura de datos y en la sostenibilidad financiera, especialmente para ONG con recursos limitados. Este enfoque articula la inteligencia individual, colectiva y artificial, fortaleciendo la respuesta de las autoridades mediante el uso de datos generados por empresas y comunidades y favoreciendo soluciones coordinadas frente a desastres.

Análisis de Resultados

El análisis de los tres casos permite identificar patrones comunes que ilustran cómo la combinación de inteligencia humana, colectiva y artificial contribuye a la configuración de modelos de innovación urbana orientados a la atención de problemas sociales complejos. A partir de estas experiencias, emergen cuatro dimensiones clave que definen nuevas formas de acción pública y que contribuyen a la definición de líneas futuras de investigación.

Participación Digital como Vía de Empoderamiento Ciudadano

Plataformas como Decide Madrid y Go Vocal han redefinido la participación ciudadana al ofrecer acceso digital directo a los procesos de gobernanza e innovación urbana. Decide Madrid permite proponer, debatir y votar iniciativas comunitarias, mientras que Go Vocal facilita herramientas para que los gobiernos involucren a la ciudadanía en la creación y gestión de proyectos. Ambas fortalecen la transparencia y la responsabilidad pública, al tiempo que empoderan a la población con una participación más directa. Este empoderamiento digital se vuelve clave para una democracia más inclusiva y participativa.

Sin embargo, ambas iniciativas enfrentan los desafíos propios de los procesos de participación ciudadana más convencionales. En primer lugar, afrontan los costes de oportunidad asociados a la participación ciudadana, en contextos donde persisten los estereotipos sobre la utilidad del involucramiento de la ciudadanía en los procesos de toma de decisiones, o donde prevalece una desconexión entre la sociedad y la gestión pública (Planchuelo, 2018). En segundo lugar, enfrentan limitaciones asociadas a las brechas en las competencias digitales y a las desigualdades sociales, ya que el uso intensivo de la tecnología puede convertirse en una barrera para determinados grupos poblacionales con dificultades en el manejo de entornos digitales. En tercer lugar, este tipo de iniciativas innovadoras se ve condicionado por los ciclos políticos, especialmente cuando no han alcanzado una plena institucionalización. Los cambios de gobierno afectan su sostenibilidad en el tiempo y limitan de forma significativa el alcance de su impacto (García-Vegas, 2025).

En el caso de Decide Madrid, se promovieron acciones orientadas a establecer alianzas y favorecer la utilización de la plataforma en otros contextos y liderada por otras entidades públicas. Esta expansión ha permitido identificar oportunidades de mejora y extraer aprendizajes derivados de la adaptación de la herramienta en contextos diversos (Planchuelo, 2018).

Sinergia entre Inteligencia Colectiva y Artificial en la Toma de Decisiones Públicas

La innovación en las ciudades promovida por iniciativas de los gobiernos locales ya no se limita a la simple implementación de mecanismos de información o consulta para la generación de nuevas ideas, sino que incorpora la inteligencia colectiva de la comunidad y las capacidades avanzadas de sistematización y análisis de datos de la inteligencia artificial (Simonofski et al., 2021). Este cambio implica que las decisiones públicas se basan en el análisis de grandes volúmenes de datos y la colaboración masiva de múltiples actores, cuyas preferencias y demandas pueden ser articulados y agregadas de manera rápida y segura (Lahdili et al, 2024). Los casos analizados muestran cómo la inteligencia artificial permite analizar patrones, predecir tendencias y optimizar la toma de decisiones, mientras que la inteligencia colectiva permite recoger, sintetizar y aplicar los conocimientos y experiencias de una comunidad diversa. Las experiencias de las plataformas cívicas sustentadas en tecnologías digitales señalan que esta integración transforma la gestión pública, haciéndola más receptiva, abierta, precisa y capaz de manejar la complejidad de los desafíos sociales (Skaržauskienė & Mačiulienė, 2020).

La plataforma Decide Madrid es un ejemplo de este cambio, donde la tecnología avanzada complementa el conocimiento y la experiencia de la ciudadanía, mostrando cómo la interacción entre inteligencia artificial e inteligencia colectiva propician dinámicas virtuosas orientadas a la identificación de preferencias ciudadanas y la formulación de problemas públicos de manera más inclusiva. En esta misma línea, los casos de Decide Madrid y Go Vocal evidencian que, a pesar del potencial transformador de las herramientas digitales y la inteligencia colectiva, el liderazgo público continúa desempeñando un papel decisivo, como ha mostrado hasta ahora la evidencia en la promoción de iniciativas innovadoras, en la definición de una visión compartida, la dotación de recursos para su institucionalización y la interpretación de la información que sustenta la toma de decisiones (Planchuelo, 2018; Koch & Hauknes, 2005).

La conversión de estos procesos en bienes y políticas públicas revela la persistencia de un componente político que condiciona la forma en que los datos son utilizados y las prioridades que son establecidas. Más que un obstáculo, esta dimensión política se configura como un elemento estructural del proceso de gobernanza que evidencia las tensiones entre la racionalidad técnica, la deliberación colectiva y la orientación al bienestar público.

Colaboración Multiactor y Multisectorial como Fundamento de la Innovación Pública

Las tres experiencias subrayan la importancia de la colaboración entre diferentes actores y sectores para la innovación pública. FloodTags muestra cómo la cooperación entre ONGs, gobiernos y el sector privado puede mejorar la gestión de desastres mediante el uso de tecnologías avanzadas. Go Vocal y Decide Madrid integran la participación ciudadana con la colaboración de organizaciones locales y expertos para mejorar la calidad de las decisiones públicas. Como se evidencia en la literatura, esta colaboración multiactor y multisectorial es fundamental para la innovación, ya que permite reunir conocimientos y recursos de diversos actores para abordar problemas complejos de manera efectiva (Sørensen & Torfing, 2015; Bommert, 2010).

El análisis de las tres plataformas basadas en la inteligencia híbrida evidencia el desafío de adoptar nuevas formas de gobernanza en las que la integración entre las tres inteligencias resulta esencial para la transmisión y transformación de datos, información y conocimiento. La inteligencia artificial, guiada por algoritmos de aprendizaje automático, depende de flujos constantes y de calidad en los datos para optimizar su desempeño y ampliar sus potencialidades (Lahdili et al, 2024). A su vez, la inteligencia colectiva requiere la articulación de múltiples perspectivas mediante mecanismos de colaboración que comprendan estos flujos como procesos de integración y no como ejercicios unidireccionales, informativos o meramente consultivos (Planchuelo, 2018). El funcionamiento de las plataformas analizadas se sustenta precisamente en este principio de integración dinámica entre inteligencias y actores.

El Lenguaje como Instrumento de Movilización y Legitimación

Las experiencias han mostrado que el lenguaje posee un poder extraordinario; a través de él se transmiten significados, valores y símbolos que pueden favorecer la movilización en torno a objetivos comunes, así como la colaboración e intercambio de conocimientos (Román, 2024). El lenguaje es una herramienta útil en los procesos de innovación pública cuando permiten, desde la diversidad y empatía, comprender los problemas contemporáneos, generar ilusión, reforzar la esperanza y alimentar la confianza en las instituciones.

Los casos analizados evidencian la importancia del lenguaje para construir marcos conceptuales compartidos que permitan interpretar de manera coherente los procesos de colaboración y aprendizaje que emergen en estos entornos (Román, 2024). En esta línea, la inteligencia artificial adquiere un papel estratégico al facilitar la simplificación del lenguaje y favorecer una comprensión más amplia y accesible de la información pública por parte de la ciudadanía (Lahdili et al, 2024). Integrada en sistemas de inteligencia híbrida, su articulación con la inteligencia humana y colectiva amplía las capacidades analíticas, deliberativas y cognitivas de los actores implicados. Las plataformas estudiadas reflejan este modelo al fortalecer la interacción entre ciudadanía y administraciones públicas, promover el uso de un lenguaje claro y cercano y favorecer la reutilización de datos disponibles en las instituciones públicas y sociales para la generación de iniciativas con valor e impacto social (Planchuelo, 2018).

La evidencia sugiere que la consolidación de valores comunes orientados a la participación y la diversidad de perspectivas contribuye a fortalecer las dinámicas colectivas de generación de conocimiento. En este contexto, la orientación y los sesgos inherentes a los sistemas de inteligencia artificial se configuran como dimensiones críticas, ya que pueden incidir en la capacidad de estas plataformas para reflejar y amplificar valores sociales ampliamente reconocidos (Román, 2024).

Limitaciones y Alcance de la Investigación

Las limitaciones del trabajo se vinculan tanto al estado de desarrollo del concepto como a la disponibilidad de evidencia. El marco teórico sobre inteligencia híbrida se encuentra en una fase inicial y la literatura ofrece pocos análisis que integren de manera conjunta sus tres dimensiones. La evidencia empírica en el ámbito público también es escasa, porque la incorporación de la inteligencia artificial en procesos de inteligencia colectiva está en desarrollo temprano. El número reducido de casos analizados acota el alcance del estudio y dificulta la generalización de los resultados. Este panorama subraya la necesidad de investigaciones futuras basadas en un mapeo más amplio de experiencias, que permita consolidar la base empírica y reforzar la validez comparativa.

Conclusiones

Las experiencias analizadas en este artículo permiten identificar un conjunto de transformaciones significativas en los modelos de innovación urbana. Sin embargo, muchas de las premisas actuales —como la participación ciudadana, la colaboración multisectorial o la co-creación de valor público— ya estaban presentes en enfoques previos desarrollados por gobiernos locales antes de la incorporación masiva de tecnologías digitales avanzadas.

Un ejemplo ilustrativo es la experiencia del Ayuntamiento de Móstoles que, entre 2010 y 2014, promovió un plan estratégico de ciudad con amplia participación de partidos políticos, organizaciones sociales, asociaciones vecinales, sindicatos, universidades y gremios empresariales. Esta iniciativa permitió articular una visión compartida del desarrollo urbano, fortalecer la cohesión territorial y establecer estructuras institucionales estables para la participación ciudadana en la toma de decisiones. La experiencia mostró que la innovación en el ámbito local puede surgir de la capacidad de los gobiernos para generar confianza, convocar actores diversos y crear mecanismos permanentes de deliberación y evaluación de políticas.

Del mismo modo, iniciativas históricamente promovidas para impulsar las políticas urbanas, como los presupuestos participativos o la prestación de servicios públicos a través de empresas sociales, apuntan a la implantación de modelos de innovación que han puesto en el centro la colaboración, el aprendizaje compartido y la conexión entre actores públicos, privados y comunitarios.

Lo que distingue a las experiencias contemporáneas —como Decide Madrid, FloodTags y Go Vocal— es la ampliación de estos principios mediante el uso intensivo de tecnologías de inteligencia artificial y plataformas digitales. La incorporación de la inteligencia híbrida permite desarrollar nuevas formas para la obtención y análisis de datos e ideas e incrementa el alcance de la participación e involucramiento de la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones, aunque también desafía los marcos tradicionales de la acción pública.

El paso de la innovación colaborativa basada en redes humanas e institucionales a sistemas de inteligencia híbrida implica una evolución del modelo. Este cambio exige a los gobiernos locales adaptar sus capacidades técnicas y organizativas y revisar sus principios éticos, su arquitectura institucional y su relación con la ciudadanía en un entorno cada vez más automatizado. La lección que puede extraerse de las experiencias anteriores es clara: sin estructuras estables de participación, sin confianza institucional y sin articulación de intereses diversos, no hay tecnología que pueda sostener un proyecto legítimo y transformador de ciudad.

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Ricardo García-Vegas

Doctor en gobierno y Administración pública por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España). Profesor de la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (España).

Pedro Marcos García López

Doctor en Ciencias Políticas y de la Administración y Relaciones Internacionales por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España). Profesor de la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (España).

Autores

Análisis de casos

Inteligencia híbrida e innovación urbana.

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Esta revolución tecnológica, sustentada en el conocimiento y la innovación científica, inaugura un nuevo ciclo en el que la acción pública urbana puede abordarse desde una perspectiva integradora, articulando estas tres formas de inteligencia en procesos creativos orientados a la transformación social. En este marco, el artículo buca responder a la siguiente pregunta de investigación:

¿Cómo contribuye la combinación de inteligencia humana, colectiva y artificial a la generación de modelos de innovación urbana orientados a la resolución de desafíos sociales complejos?

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Análisis de casos

Fuente: Autoría propia

Dynamics of rural land conversion to urban land.

Territorial analysis and prospective[1]

Dinámicas de transformación del suelo rural a suelo urbano.

Análisis y prospectiva territorial

Dinâmica de transformação de terrenos rurais em terrenos urbanos.

Análise territorial e prospectiva

Dynamiques de transformation du territoire rural vers le territoire urbain.

Analyse territoriale et prospective

María F. Cárdenas

Universidad Nacional de Colombia

mfcarden@unal.edu.co

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1804-6280

Jhon F. Escobar

Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana

jhon.escobars@upb.edu.co

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6826-6222

Cómo citar este artículo:

Cárdenas, M. F y Escobar, J. F. (2025). Dynamics of rural land conversion to urban land. Territorial analysis and prospective. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): -271.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.119756

Recibido: 23/04/2025

Aprobado: 09/12/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

[1] This article is derived from a master's thesis (Aguilar, 2022). Part of this research was funded by the Sistema General de Regalías de Colombia.

(3) 2025: -271

Autor

19_119756

Resumen

Abstract

Cities are the result of complex relationships within various actors in a territory. Understanding and predicting their growth can be challenging, but prospective techniques, and long-term planning, may help mitigate uncertainty. This article analyzes the factors that determine urban growth in Montería, Colombia, and proposes prospective scenarios by the year 2033. Geographic information and secondary data were used to identify transformations, along with expert analysis and structural equation techniques, which helped consolidate growth factors. The results show that there are factors that trigger and drive urban growth, often unexpected or less intuitive. They also offer a new perspective on the articulation of territorial foresight techniques, since structural equations made it possible to identify the significance and direction of the variables’ influences within and between macrocategories. This facilitates expert consultation and the construction of prospective scenarios. Understanding the factors of urban growth and prospective scenarios, which do not always coincide with the desired and planned scenarios, provides decision-makers with tools to correct and reorient urban development.

Keywords: urban planning, prospective, participatory research, structural equations

Resumen

Las ciudades son el resultado de relaciones complejas entre diferentes actores en un territorio. Comprender su crecimiento y proyectarlo es un desafío, pero las técnicas de prospectiva y planificación a largo plazo pueden ayudar a reducir la incertidumbre. Este artículo analiza los factores que determinan el crecimiento urbano en Montería, Colombia, y propone escenarios prospectivos para el año 2033. Se utilizó información geográfica y datos secundarios para identificar las transformaciones, junto con análisis de expertos y técnicas de ecuaciones estructurales, que permitieron consolidar los factores de crecimiento. Los resultados muestran que hay factores que detonan e impulsan el crecimiento urbano, muchas veces inesperados o menos intuitivos. También ofrecen una nueva perspectiva de articulación de técnicas de prospectiva territorial, ya que las ecuaciones estructurales permitieron identificar la significancia y la dirección de las influencias de las variables dentro y entre las macrocategorías, lo cual facilita el ejercicio de consulta a expertos y la construcción de escenarios prospectivos. Conocer los factores del crecimiento urbano y los escenarios prospectivos, que no siempre coinciden con los escenarios deseados y planeados, brinda a los tomadores de decisiones herramientas para corregir y reorientar el desarrollo urbano.

Palabras clave: desarrollo urbano, prospectiva, investigación participativa, ecuaciones estructurales

Resumo

As cidades são o resultado de relações complexas entre diferentes atores de um território. Compreender e projetar o seu crescimento é um desafio, mas técnicas de planejamento e previsão de longo prazo podem ajudar a reduzir a incerteza. Este artigo analisa os fatores que determinam o crescimento urbano em Montería, Colômbia, e propõe cenários prospectivos para o ano 2033. Foram utilizadas informações geográficas e dados secundários para identificar as transformações, juntamente com análises especializadas e técnicas de equações estruturais, que permitiram consolidar os fatores de crescimento. Os resultados mostram que há fatores que desencadeiam e impulsionam o crescimento urbano, muitas vezes inesperados ou menos intuitivos. Oferecem também uma nova perspectiva sobre a articulação de técnicas de prospecção territorial, uma vez que as equações estruturais permitiram identificar a significância e a direção das influências das variáveis dentro e entre as macrocategorias, o que facilita a consulta a especialistas e a construção de cenários prospectivos. Compreender os impulsionadores do crescimento urbano e os cenários prospectivos, que nem sempre coincidem com os cenários desejados e planejados, fornece aos tomadores de decisão ferramentas para corrigir e redirecionar o desenvolvimento urbano.

Palavras-chave: desenvolvimento urbano, prospectivo, pesquisa participativa, equações estruturais

Résumé

Les villes sont le résultat de relations complexes entre différents acteurs d’un territoire. Comprendre et projeter votre croissance est un défi, mais les techniques de planification et de prospective à long terme peuvent contribuer à réduire l’incertitude. Cet article analyse les facteurs qui déterminent la croissance urbaine à Montería, en Colombie, et propose des scénarios prospectifs pour l’année 2033. Pour identifier les transformations, des informations géographiques et des données secondaires ont été utilisées, ainsi que des techniques d’analyse experte et d’équations structurelles, qui ont permis de consolider les facteurs de croissance. Les résultats montrent qu’il existe des facteurs qui déclenchent et stimulent la croissance urbaine, souvent inattendus ou moins intuitifs. Elles offrent également une nouvelle perspective sur l’articulation des techniques de prospective territoriale, puisque les équations structurelles ont permis d’identifier la signification et la direction des influences des variables au sein et entre les macrocatégories, ce qui facilite la consultation d’experts et la construction de scénarios prospectifs. Comprendre les moteurs de la croissance urbaine et les scénarios prospectifs, qui ne coïncident pas toujours avec les scénarios souhaités et planifiés, fournit aux décideurs des outils pour corriger et réorienter le développement urbain.

Mots-clés : planification urbaine, prospective, recherche participative, équations structurelles

Introduction

Cities are central to social development and the formation of socio-territorial exchanges and relationships. The physical layout of a city reflects the evolution of its society, the transformations and factors that have influenced it, as well as the preferences and political regimes linked to its socioeconomic assets and growth dynamics (Anzano, 2012); therefore, cities remain attractive to populations. Urban growth leads to socio-spatial phenomena that define population, economic, and physical development (Andrés-López, 2023). Despite the growth of cities, economic interests often dominate urban development. This can lead to increased segregation and territorial inequality, preventing all inhabitants from benefiting fully from the social, economic, and environmental advantages of urbanization. In other words, not all citizens have equal access to the goods and opportunities that contribute to a high quality of life in cities.

Urbanization involves not only the expansion of infrastructure and urban construction but also a set of complex dynamics that shape the city’s framework. Urban growth is boosted cyclically, as physical growth and the expansion of urban areas lead to local and global changes that dynamize and make the city more attractive (James et al., 2013). In other words, the more a city grows, the more it diversifies its goods and services. Thus, it has more potential to attract population and incorporate formerly rural areas into its perimeter. Intermediate cities, such as Montería in Colombia, have experienced rapid growth in their urbanized area and population in recent years. Understanding the factors driving this growth and the transformations occurring in the territory requires a comprehensive analysis of the city, including the identification of the areas that facilitate or constrain this growth and acknowledging that changes are constant and can have various directions.

The primary objective of this study was to propose prospective urban growth scenarios for Montería city until 2033, based on the identification and analysis of the city´s transformations between 2002-2020, and of the factors determining the dynamics of growth and conversion of rural land into urban land. Four categories were identified: economic, physical, population and environmental. The study involved creating scenarios with expert opinions to assess the likelihood of these scenarios and infering potential outcomes for Montería by 2033. Structural equations were used to analyze the relevance and relationships between the identified factors, as valued by the experts, within a territorial prospective framework.

We aimed to identify new possibilities for integrating variables in the physical, population, economic and environmental dimensions of Montería by 2033, in the belief that the future can be shaped through present actions (Romero & Babativa, 2016).

Literature Review

As Pírez (2016) states, contemporary capitalist urbanization is the result of combining market and non-market production and consumption processes. Urban growth can occur both formally and informally. In Colombia and in Latin America, a significant portion of cities grow informally (Metzger et al., 2016), meaning without following the urban planning regulations. Territorial urban planning, understood as a comprehensive process that guides and regulates the long-term location and use of land, faces enormous challenges in fragmented, disorganized, unequal cities with governance problems, such as those in Latin America (Silva et al., 2016).

Urbanization in Latin America is characterized by rapid acceleration and particularities in its physical structure and socioeconomic conditions, which BDDAL (2017) describes as urbanization without development. This often results in unplanned and unsafe construction. Informal settlements, construction, land use distribution, and territorial transformations are determined by the inhabitants themselves, often in contexts of poverty and need (BDDAL, 2017). Informal settlements can exacerbate poverty and low quality of life due to the limited access to public services, health care, education, facilities, and government involvement (López, 2016). Formal urban growth depends on five areas of comprehensive public policy: urban land use planning, infrastructure provision and mobility regulation, housing market flexibility, and the existence of coordination and governance mechanisms at the metropolitan level (Perrotti, 2014).

Urban growth has two primary expressions: compact or diffuse. Compact urban forms are characterized by high density, mixed land use, housing and workplaces, and the presence of one or more urban centers where public and political space converge. Diffuse urban forms exhibit horizontal real estate development, low density, specialized land use, and distance from central facilities. Hybrid urban forms are also emerging, combining high housing density with land specialization (Sanabria and Ramírez, 2017). The growth of Colombian cities involves a mix of both forms, depending on various factors. Some areas experience diffuse expansion, often formal and of high socioeconomic level, while others are more compact but lack significant mixed use. This has been called the confused city Abramo (2012) or the mestizo city (Silva et al., 2016); which highlights, in any case, the heterogeneity in its forms of production and consumption (Pírez, 2016). In other words, although cities are engines of opportunity, social inequality in Latin America forces a significant portion of the population to resolve their housing needs through the social production of habitat (Vitale, 2017).

According to Medina & Becerra (2022), the accelerated changes in urban processes require new and more sophisticated methods to anticipate and make informed decisions. In this context, territorial foresight is a tool to provide a systematic and organized reflection that helps anticipate possible, probable and desirable futures (Do Carmo & Santos, 2021). Foresight does not aim to make exact predictions but rather probabilistic statements; so, scenarios are narratives that describe potential future paths.

The difference between forecasting and foresight includes the distinction between possible and probable. Possible refers to anything that could happen (Mojica, 2006), while probabilities involve statistical analysis, which is fundamental to foresight and is based on expert opinion or extrapolation of trends (Medina & Becerra, 2022). Foresight does not predict the exact future but provide clarity about potential possibilities. They are probable futures that project different outcomes based on hypotheses, allowing people to envision what might happen.

According to Astarriaga (2016), when envisioning the future, the present can be transformed and gives rise to foresight. Anticipation, combined with action, clarifies the future (Godet et al., 2000). However, there is no single future; different scenario probabilities can be combined with varying degrees of likelihood depending on the environment and current decisions. The guiding principle of foresight is to focus on desirable futures and provide tools that facilitate their realization (Mojica, 2006). Foresight can serve various purposes, such as understanding environmental needs to create visions and exchange knowledge, addressing uncertainty for decision-making, stimulating imagination to expand the range of societal alternatives (projective function), and fostering science and global perspective to enhance government capacity (educational function).

There are several methods for conducting foresight exercises, including expert opinions, trend analysis, statistical methods, descriptive and matrix methods, economic decision evaluation methods, modeling and simulation, and scenario building (Puebla, 2017). Common outputs of foresight research include trend and driver analyses, scenarios, forecasts, critical technology lists, technology road maps, research priorities, and policy recommendations. In the context of territorial foresight, tendency, planned, optimistic, and pessimistic scenarios are created to envision potential actions based on desired outcomes for the city.

The optimistic scenario represents the ideal future for the city, where its strengths are maximized. The tendency scenario illustrates the potential outcomes if current trends and agreements continue. The planned scenario is guided by established guidelines, such as the Land Management Plan (LMP), Municipal Development Plans and other plans, public policies and instruments that shape the physical and socioeconomic development of the territory. The pessimistic scenario is created under unfavorable conditions that limit the potential for improving the quality of life of the population.

Statistical and modeling methods include Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), which is based on multivariate techniques and is used in various fields of the social sciences. SEM allows for the representation of the relationships between a series of measured variables that are caused by various unobservable or latent phenomena, which are often important but difficult to measure precisely (Romero & Babativa, 2016). This method decomposes observed correlations into a system of equations that mathematically describe hypothesized causal relationships, based on linear and nonlinear relationships (García, 2011).

When using SEM models, it is assumed that an underlying mechanism creates a theoretical covariance structure between a vector of random variables. The goal is to develop a model that can capture this underlying mechanism to understand the relationships being measured. SEMs allow identifying the type and direction of the expected relationships between the variables in the model and then estimating the parameters specified by the proposed theoretical relationships (García, 2011). By estimating these parameters, the model confirms the measured relationships (Covas et al., 2020). Many of the same variables influence each of the dependent variables, but with varying degrees of impact. However, during the model-building process, researchers must make decisions about the relationships between the measured variables (Arrogante et al., 2016).

A significant contribution of SEM is its ability to combine qualitative research with quantitative data and to test theoretical models, making it a versatile tool for studying causal relationships in non-experimental data, especially when they are linear (Kerlinger & Howard, 2002). However, these models cannot definitely prove causality; they only help identifying hypotheses of significant causal variables. Therefore, the true value of this technique lies in specifying complex relationships between variables identified beforehand and evaluating how many of these relationships are represented in the empirically collected data (Weston & Gore, 2006). Several statistical tests must be conducted to determine if the proposed theoretical structure adequately fits the empirical data.

In the context of urban planning, understanding the factors of growth in a constantly changing city can be challenging, but can also lead to the identification of trends, problems and potential solutions. These insights can support territorial planning and guide decisions toward scenarios that enhance the qualities of each zone, promote citizen participation, and optimize resources.

Methodology

The research supporting this article employed a mixed-method approach, combining both qualitative and quantitative techniques. This methodology enabled the identification and evaluation of transformations, growth factors and future scenarios. Additionally, it allowed quantifying the magnitude of changes, the significance of city-growth factors and the development of potential hypotheses to inform scenarios in Montería for the year 2033.

This exercise triangulated observable and measurable data from the territory, the objectives declared in planning and land use planning instruments, and the expert opinions of individuals familiar with the case study city.

Research was conducted in the municipality of Montería, capital of Córdoba Department, located in the Caribbean region of Colombia (see Figure 1). As of 2021, Montería had a population of 505, 334, consisting of 48.5% men and 51.5% women. Projections for 2033 indicate a population growth up to 542,384, with 416,718 residents expected to be located in the municipal capital and 125,666 in populated centers and dispersed rural areas (DANE, 2021).

Population, Physical, Environmental, and Socioeconomic Transformations in Montería, 2002-2020

To understand the transformations in Montería city, satellite images from various years were processed during the study period to quantify changes in urban blocks, green areas, roads and infrastructure. Socioeconomic transformations were analyzed using official statistical data (DANE, 2021).

2002 was established as the baseline, referencing the information and cartography (in CAD format) from the municipal LMP adopted the previous year. Landsat satellite images for 2008, 2014, and 2020, which are free and were downloaded from https://eos.com/es/find-satellite/landsat-8/, were processed and analyzed using ArcGIS 10.4.1. Processing consisted of a manual delimitation of the urban perimeter of Montería in three stages, based on the urban perimeter defined by the LMP, units of analysis were delineated at the urban-rural boundary.

Determining Montería’s Growth Factors

An exhaustive review of secondary information from Scopus and Web of Science databases identified potential factors contributing to urban growth at the global level. A preliminary survey, designed and evaluated by academics from Montería using a Likert scale, selected factors that, according to their criteria, had the greatest impact on the city’s development. Additionally, urban development plans, the 2002 and 2021 LMPs, and reports issued by governmental entities were thoroughly analyzed to understand the policies and proposals for change intended for Montería.

To interpret the identified growth factors more clearly, they were reorganized and classified into three macro-categories: economic, physical and population. Likewise, the river was included as an environmental factor to determine its role in the urban development of the city.

The results evaluated involved the scores of each factor (see Table 1). Its relevance was pondered by using the ADANCO 10.2.1 free software, which allows generating and modeling structural equations. Based on the most significant factors identified in each macro-category, a second survey was developed and administered to a select group of academic experts and representatives of public institutions in Montería. The goal was to gain a deeper understanding of the key elements that have propelled the city’s growth and how they have influenced its development.

Scenarios Construction

Once the significance of each factor is determined, hypotheses are created. Optimistic, trend, planned, and pessimistic hypotheses are proposed for each significant factor in the model, based on the SEMs. Each hypothesis corresponds to optimistic hypothesis: what is desired for Monteria in an ideal way; trend hypothesis: based on an analysis of current dynamics to propose potential future outcomes; planned hypothesis: according to the planning instruments that indicate future actions in the city, and pessimistic hypothesis: catastrophic scenarios that could occur in Monteria within the considered horizon.

Hypotheses are transferred to a Google Forms survey for easy qualification (Aguilar, 2022). Experts with relevant knowledge in each of the analyzed macro-categories (physical, population, economic, and environmental) are contacted to assess the probability of occurrence of each hypothesis on a Likert scale. These experts are associated with educational and environmental institutions, the municipal administration, or participated in the creation of the LMP 2021-2033.

An initial analysis of the experts’ answers prepares the data for entry into the free platform La Prospective, pour penser et agir autrement. This program includes a tool that enables scenario creation through morphological analysis. The first module, called the prospective radar, allows for the creation, sharing, discussion, and capitalization of dimensions and factors within the prospective system. This is a mandatory step in establishing a prospective and scenario reference (Godet & Durance, 2018). The program provides various visual representations of linked levels (global context, ecosystems or nearby context, specific system or internal variables) and associated dimensions or three dimensions (levels, dimensions, variables, hypotheses).

The second module, Morphol, proposes a construction of prospective scenarios through morphological analyses articulated in an intuitive and interactive manner, represented as a three-dimensional parallelepiped (Godet & Durance, 2018). This allows for the construction of linked scenarios, a user-friendly method for selecting hypotheses first by dimension, then by levels, and finally by global scenarios. The results can be visualized on the prospective radar.

With the probabilities of occurrence for each qualified and evaluated hypothesis, we proceed with the narration of scenarios for each macro-category. Scenarios are composed of the narrative articulation of hypotheses, forming a common thread that concretizes the projection of the city evaluated by the experts. These narratives represent probabilities of occurrence that allow us to approach the future more realistically but do not guarantee their occurrence, as they depend on multiple behaviors and decisions that are impossible to predict. The creation of the most probable scenario for Montería 2033 involves the compilation and articulation of each macro-category, forming a comprehensive narrative.

Results

Transformations of Montería, 2002-2020

Urban growth was measured in city blocks, although this is not a homogeneous unit of area. During the analyzed period, there was an increase in the number of blocks: in 2002, Montería had 3,151 blocks; between 2002 and 2008, 575 additional blocks were created, and 388 in the period 2008-2014. In 2020, there were 320 additional blocks, representing a cumulative growth of 29.5%.

The changes in the number and location of blocks, as revealed by the processing of cartographic images, indicate that during 2002-2008, there was isolated growth on the left bank of the river, disrupting the existing urban network. In the period 2008-2014, more blocks were integrated into the existing urban network. Between 2014 and 2020, new areas were urbanized, creating a continuous polygon without vacant land. Additionally, some blocks outside the urban perimeter were joined to the urban area during 2002-2008.

In the south, there has been a continuous increase in the size of the urban polygon, exceeding the urban perimeter established by the 2002 LMP. Since 2002, there has been a concentration of housing and growth to the south, which has continued in subsequent years and consolidated this area of the city. In the northern part of the city, growth is dispersed and corresponds to the expansion zones presented in the LMP 2021-2033 (see Figure 1).

Montería’s Growth Factors

Selection of main urban growth factors.

After the exercise of selecting the growth factors proposed by the experts for each macro-category, a broad but refined list was obtained for the city (see Table 1). This process was supported by the responses of 75 experts, who contributed to validating and prioritizing the most relevant factors.

In the first round of surveys, an open-ended question evaluated the Sinú River. It was identified that the river has been perceived by Montería’s inhabitants as a special urban space due to its diversity and landscape, enabling activities different from those found in other cities. The river is linked to tourist attraction, economic development, and river development, as river routes have been included in mobility plans. It is also the main source of water supply for the city.

Analysis of Growth Factors with STEM.

The analysis of the identified factors, grouped into macro-categories, was conducted through Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) using the Partial Least Squares (PLS) method implemented in ADANCO 2.3.1. This statistical technique was selected for its robustness in handling small sample sizes and latent variables, allowing the estimation of direct and indirect effects among constructs.

The iterative modeling process generated six alternative models to explain the relationships between the economic, population, and physical growth factors in Montería. Each model was evaluated through the standardized path coefficients (β) and the coefficient of determination (R²) for each dependent construct (see Table 2). Models with path coefficients greater than 0.35 were considered to have significant explanatory power within their respective macro-categories (University of Twente, 2025).

Of the six estimated models, Models 4 and 5 showed the best adjustment indices, with statistically significant relationships (p<0.05) based on bootstrapping with 5,000 subsamples. However, Model 4 presented superior explanatory capacity (R²=0.716) and consistent directionality among variables, making it the selected structure for the forecasting exercise (see Table in Figure 2).

In Model 4, a direct and significant relationship was established between the economic → population (β = 0.716, p = 0.001), economic → physical (β = 0.496, p = 0.004), and population → physical (β = 0.442, p = 0.011) macro-categories. The physical macro-category exhibited the highest R-square value (R² = 0.716), confirming its role as the main outcome variable influenced by both economic and population factors (see Figure 2).

In contrast, Model 5 inverted the direction of influence, showing relationships from physical → economic (β = 0.813), physical → population (β = 0.635), and economic → population (β = 0.200), with significant but lower explanatory power (R² = 0.661 for the economic and R² = 0.651 for the population macro-categories).

Both models presented statistically significant coefficients (p < 0.05) across all factors. Nonetheless, Model 4, with higher overall explained variance and theoretically coherent causal direction, was retained as the validated model for the subsequent prospective scenario construction.

Scenarios Construction

The most likely scenarios, according to expert opinions, were identified for each of the four macro-categories (see Table 2). The construction of scenarios was based on expert assessments of the significant factors identified through the SEM model. The results reveal optimistic tendencies in the economic and physical dimensions, while population and environmental factors follow trend scenarios, outlining Montería’s most plausible urban development trajectory toward 2033.

Economic Scenario.

Montería is expected to become an intermediate city with an attractive cost of living and accessible essential services for all socioeconomic strata. Agricultural investments will be promoted to establish Montería as an agropecuary city, enhancing agricultural areas and livestock for the production and processing of mass consumption products. Additionally, shopping centers will be located at various locations to diversify supply and boost the economy. Sustainable and efficient mobility will improve access to local food in markets, promoting equal accessibility for all people.

Physical Scenario.

Montería is planning to increase tourism and consolidate itself as a regional economic and service center. The creation of sports, recreational, and cultural venues such as urban parks and park-endowment nodes will attract more visitors. Urban development will be environmentally responsible, with a balanced densification of housing, commerce, and services.

Population Scenario.

The city will remain attractive to the migrant population due to its average standard of living. The Venezuelan population, facing scarce resources, will continue to settle in high- risk areas in Montería. Due to economic constraints, these areas will have limited access to public utilities and substandard housing. To address this problem, the government will implement housing programs such as Priority Interest Housing (VIP, in Spanish) and Social Interest Housing (VIS, in Spanish) aiming to improve living conditions for low-income households and create a more equitable and inclusive city.

Environmental Scenario.

In Montería, urban afforestation will continue to be promoted by planting fruit and endemic trees in public spaces to improve rainwater infiltration and reduce flooding. Additionally, this will increase shade in the city, boost cycling mobility, and pedestrian routes.

An Integral Solid Waste Management Plan (ISWMP) will be implemented to promote the reduction, reuse, recovery, recycling, and final disposal of waste. However, a lack of recycling culture may result in higher waste rates in landfills and a decrease in their service life. The three liquid waste treatment plants in the city will help decontaminate wastewater and improve water quality in the Sinú River.

The Sinú River will be a focal point of the city’s public space, featuring a linear park that provides access to biodiversity and tourism dynamics. By 2033, the esplanade will be extended with landscaping and will be articulated with the rest of the city, especially the historic center and the two banks of the river.

Discussion

In the field of spatial planning and foresight, scenario building has become a fundamental tool for understanding and addressing the complexity and uncertainty associated with the future of a territory. According to a Scopus search for “foresight + urbanization or urban planning”, studies dating back to the 1990s demonstrate a growing interest in these types of tools. However, very little information about Latin America appears in this and other databases. Nevertheless, authors such as (Capra-Ribeiro, 2024; Mattioli et al., 2023) agree that foresight offers a framework for building the desired future in territorial planning exercises, allowing us to overcome the limitations of traditional reactive approaches and manage uncertainty.

In Latin America, successful cases of territorial foresight exercises are reported in countries such as Colombia, specifically in Valle del Cauca and Bogotá, the objective was to build a vision and a future agenda; in La Guajira and Huila foresight was used to build regional productive plans and initiatives (Mera, 2015). The Greater San Juan (GSJ) conurbation in Argentina was the case study for the application of an alternative prospective methodology that integrates the vision of territorial foresight with the theory of complex systems (Mattioli et al., 2023). According to Mera (2015), Brazil stands out for having successfully translated the results of prospective studies into political decision-making levels, although in many Latin American countries territorial prospective studies have been promoted by ECLAC since the 1980s. However, as Capra-Ribeiro (2024) points out, there are very few territorial foresight exercises at the subnational scale.

This approach highlights the urban growth patterns and factors that influence them. Moreover, since the last decade, authors like Fernández Güell & Redondo (2012) have emphasized the importance of future studies in the process of territorial planning. Foresight, as a methodological approach, deploys a set of techniques and tools that allow for exploring various possibilities and building plausible scenarios reflecting different potential futures. The presented exercise starts from a triangulation between actual transformation trends observed in the territory, expert judgment, and statistical analysis of information, beginning with the SEM. The consulted experts are familiar with and live in the municipality and work on issues related to territorial management planning in some of its dimensions. The SEM allows for establishing the significance of factors and the relationships -magnitude and direction- between categories. This triangulation is valuable as it enables the validation and complementarity of information from one source to another, as proposed by Moscoloni (2005).

The exercise presented could have multiple directions and assessments according to the votes by experts and the factors they wish to manage. The quality of results is subject to available information and to the experts’ knowledge and opinions on the subject being evaluated, which may contain biases, as Mattioli et al (2023) and Mojica (2006), also point out. The number and validity of each expert shape and determine the results of that part of the exercise, reducing the uncertainty associated with possible futures. In this case, since few experts participated, each expert’s assessment played a significant role in weighting each hypothesis. This situation increases a possible error associated with results (Herrera et al., 2022), but it can be managed by triangulating with other information that allows verifying its consistency (Salgado 2007). In many cases, the knowledge of each expert and the territorial dimension of their specialization will shape the exercise.

The SEM method allows synthesizing information collected among the academic community, with the help of structural equations as a tool to connect undefinable variables and understand phenomena (Kerlinger & Howard, 2002). This generates an input for the development of reading exercises and spatial planning, as the latent variables or dimensions, called macro-categories in this exercise, are difficult to quantify. The SEM allows interpreting macro-categories and significant factors for each one in the field of quantifiable and flow measurement, simplifying exercises such as foresight and supporting decision-making. This type of analysis is consistent with new theories for the construction of prospective exercises, which involve integrating ways of understanding the relationships between factors and variables. For example, the exercises developed by Fusco (2012) and Provot et al. (2020) are based on a Bayesian model or GIS techniques, integrating causal analysis to understand the relationships and directions of these in population growth processes.

Regarding urban growth, Cifuentes (2009) highlight the usefulness of a statistical methodology to model urban growth, as presented in this article, where interdependencies between population macro-categories are established, as well as economic, physical, environmental, and political aspects. It is striking that the scenario built for Montería only partially coincides with the planned hypotheses taken from the proposals of the LMP, whose horizon coincides with that of this exercise. Despite the subjectivity that may be present while selecting scenarios for scenario construction, it is remarkable that optimistic hypotheses predominated in the economic and physical dimensions, with some leaning toward the optimistic side. Planned hypotheses appear only in the economic dimension. The environmental and population dimensions were dominated by trend hypotheses, suggesting that no significant changes are expected in how these components have been handled in the city, despite having a recent plan. In other words, although the LMP’s task is to “...direct and manage physical development of land and land use” (Art. 9 Act 388 of 1997), there seems to be a gap between the vision proposed in this plan and that forecast in this work.

Conclusions

The identification, prioritization, and validation of urban growth factors in Montería were valuable starting points because they complemented traditionally named and applied factors in spatial planning exercises, providing a broader perspective.

In this article, methodologies were combined that break from the orthodoxy of the French school of prospective, leading to a broader vision and the identification and validation of new tools that allow foresight to revitalize in this context of its application to the territory. The adopted methodology, combining expert analysis with modeling tools such as structural equations, has proven effective in working on uncertainty scenarios related to spatial planning. By classifying and evaluating growth factors in macro-categories (economic, physical, population, and environmental), the study has not only identified key dynamics that model Montería’s growth but has also provided a solid foundation for the articulation of planning strategies.

The constructed scenarios reveal a city in constant evolution, influenced by a variety of internal and external forces. From physical growth and urban sprawl to demographic changes and environmental pressures, Montería faces challenges and opportunities that require careful management and strategic planning. The inclusion of the environmental dimension, particularly the role of the Sinú River as a connecting axis for public space, underscores the importance of integrating ecological considerations at the heart of urban planning.

Beyond identifying growth factors, this study clarifies how the theoretical foundations, the SEM-based methodological approach, and the empirical results converge to explain Montería’s present and future trajectory. The city’s current spatial dynamics, visible in its expansion patterns, socio-demographic pressures, and environmental constraints, serve as the temporal anchor from which foresight modeling projects plausible futures to 2033. By linking present territorial conditions to scenario outcomes, research demonstrates how foresight can translate empirical evidence into actionable guidance for decision-making, reinforcing planning processes aimed at shaping a more coherent, equitable, and sustainable urban environment.

This study contributes to the field of urban and territorial planning, demonstrating the power of foresight and interdisciplinary analysis to present pathways towards a sustainable and resilient future for Montería. In doing so, it provides inputs for other cities to address their own challenges of growth and transformation in an increasingly complex and changing world.

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María F. Cárdenas

Associate Professor at the National University of Colombia. Forestry engineer, Master's in Urban and Regional Planning, and PhD in Hydraulic Resources Engineering. She works on urban sustainability, climate change adaptation, and land-use planning in urban and regional contexts.

Jhon F. Escobar

Research professor at the Pontifical Bolivarian University (UPB). Forestry engineer, Master's in Technology Management, and PhD in Administration. He focuses on technology and innovation management as drivers of competitiveness and regional development. He leads projects on innovation, sustainability, and climate change.

Autors

Territorial analysis and prospective

Dynamics of rural land conversion to urban land.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Dossier Central

The primary objective of this study was to propose prospective urban growth scenarios for Montería city until 2033, based on the identifica­tion and analysis of the city´s transformations between 2002-2020, and of the factors determining the dynamics of growth and conversion of rural land into urban land. Four categories were identified: economic, physi­cal, population and environmental. The study involved creating scenar­ios with expert opinions to assess the likelihood of these scenarios and infering potential outcomes for Montería by 2033.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Figure 1. Map of the study area and the temporal variability of urban blocks (2002-2020) in the urban area of Montería (purple), inside departament of Córdoba (yellow) located at the north-west of Colombia

Source: The authors.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Table 1. Growth Factors for Each Category of Analysis in Montería

Source: The authors.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Figure 2. Model 4 generated by ADANCO for the statistical analysis of growth factors in Montería, and the table with the evaluated models and selection criteria

Source: Authors’ elaboration based on ADANCO.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Table 2. Economic, Physical, Population and Environmental Scenarios: Most Probable Factors and Hypotheses Shaping the Scenario for Montería 2033

Source: The authors.

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Territorial analysis and prospective

Articles in English

Nota del Editor:

En esta sección se publica la versión traducida al inglés de artículos enviados en español y portugués. Por ser artículos publicados en su idioma original en el Dossier Central, la versión en inglés conserva el Identificador de Objetos Digitales (DOI) y los metadatos correspondientes. Los artículos fueron elegidos por el equipo editorial de Bitácora para contribuir a su divulgación.

Editor's Note:

This section publishes the English translations of articles submitted in Spanish and Portuguese. As these articles were originally published in their original language in the Central Dossier, the English version retains the Digital Object Identifier (DOI) and corresponding metadata. The articles were selected by the Bitácora editorial team to contribute to their dissemination.

35

1

Fuente: Autoría propia

Housing as a socio-material artifact in Manizales:

aspirations, appropriation, and the market[1]

La vivienda como artefacto socio-material en Manizales:

aspiraciones, apropiación y mercado

A habitação como artefacto sociomaterial em Manizales:

aspirações, apropriação e mercado

Le logement comme artefact socio-matériel à Manizales :

aspirations, appropriation et marché

Gregorio Hernández-Pulgarín

Universidad de Caldas

gregorio.hernandez@ucaldas.edu.co

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9659-4063

Geraldine Buitrago Rodas

Universidad de Caldas

geraldinbuitragorodas@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0009-0009-4534-5823

How to cite this article:

Hernández-Pulgarín, G.; Buitrago, G. (2025). Housing as a socio-material artifact in Manizales: aspirations, appropriation, and market. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): -284.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.122534

Recibido: 1/9/2025

Aprobado: 20/11/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

[1] This text is derived from a one-year research internship in the Anthropology program, through training and research processes within the framework of the Territorialities research group and the Terranova research seedbed at the University of Caldas (Colombia).

(3) 2025: -284

E_20_122534

Autor

Abstract

This article presents an integrative perspective that analyzes the symbolic, use, and exchange values of housing in Manizales, Colombia. It seeks to understand how middle- and lower-income aspiring homeowners and homeowners negotiate the tensions between meaningful and aspirational horizons, practices of appropriation of domestic space, and the constraints of the financialized market. A qualitative and documentary methodology was used, including a review of trade union and institutional sources and semi-structured interviews with people with housing aspirations and homeowners. The results reveal that housing transcends its economic and material role to become a fundamental element of well-being, identity, and sense of belonging. Restrictions on access to housing shape its exchange value; despite this, it retains its status as an artifact that represents status, inheritance, moral debt, and triumph, while also being an asset that offers security, comfort, and privacy.

Keywords: housing, urban planning, debt, market economy, aspirations

Resumen

Este artículo presenta una perspectiva integradora que analiza los valores simbólicos, de uso y de cambio de la vivienda en Manizales, Colombia. Busca comprender cómo los aspirantes y propietarios de sectores medios y populares negocian las tensiones entre los horizontes significativos y aspiracionales, las prácticas de apropiación del espacio doméstico y las restricciones del mercado financiarizado. Se utilizó una metodología cualitativa y documental que incluyó la revisión de fuentes gremiales e institucionales y entrevistas semiestructuradas a personas con aspiraciones de vivienda y a propietarios. Los resultados revelan que la vivienda trasciende su papel económico y material para convertirse en un elemento fundamental para el bienestar, la identidad y el sentido de pertenencia. Las restricciones al acceso a la vivienda configuran su valor de cambio; a pesar de esto, ella preserva su condición de un artefacto que representa estatus, herencia, deuda moral y triunfo, al tiempo que es un bien que ofrece seguridad, comodidad y privacidad.

Palabras clave: vivienda, planificación urbana, deuda, economía de mercado, aspiraciones

Resumo

Este artigo apresenta uma perspetiva integradora que analisa os valores simbólicos, de uso e de mudança da habitação em Manizales, Colômbia. Procura compreender como os aspirantes e proprietários dos setores médios e populares negociam as tensões entre os horizontes significativos e aspiracionais, as práticas de apropriação do espaço doméstico e as restrições do mercado financeirizado. Foi utilizada uma metodologia qualitativa e documental que incluiu a revisão de fontes sindicais e institucionais e entrevistas semiestruturadas com pessoas com aspirações de habitação e proprietários. Os resultados revelam que a habitação transcende o seu papel económico e material para se tornar um elemento fundamental para o bem-estar, a identidade e o sentimento de pertença. As restrições ao acesso à habitação configuram o valor de troca da habitação; apesar disso, esta preserva a sua condição de artefacto que representa estatuto, herança, dívida moral e triunfo, ao mesmo tempo que é um bem que oferece segurança, conforto e privacidade.

Palavras-chave: habitação, planeamento urbano, dívida, economia de mercado, aspirações

Résumé

Cet article présente une perspective intégratrice qui analyse les valeurs symboliques, d’usage et d’échange du logement à Manizales, en Colombie. Il cherche à comprendre comment les candidats à l’accession à la propriété et les propriétaires issus des classes moyennes et populaires gèrent les tensions entre les horizons significatifs et aspirationnels, les pratiques d’appropriation de l’espace domestique et les contraintes du marché financiarisé. Une méthodologie qualitative et documentaire a été utilisée, comprenant l’examen de sources syndicales et institutionnelles et des entretiens semi-structurés avec des personnes ayant des aspirations en matière de logement et des propriétaires. Les résultats révèlent que le logement transcende son rôle économique et matériel pour devenir un élément fondamental du bien-être, de l’identité et du sentiment d’appartenance. Les restrictions d’accès au logement déterminent sa valeur d’échange ; malgré cela, il conserve son statut d’artefact représentant le statut social, l’héritage, la dette morale et la réussite, tout en étant un bien offrant sécurité, confort et intimité.

Mots-clés : logement, urbanisme, dette, économie de marché, aspirations.

Introduction

In Colombia, owning your own home is becoming decreasingly common, yet it remains a vital goal. In cities such as Manizales, aspiring to 'own a home' is not only a challenge marked by market logic, but also a project that shapes individual biographies, family commitments, and expectations about the future (Appadurai, 2004; Núñez, 2020; Lombana Useche & Ruiz Gómez, 2024). This aspiration is confronted on the one hand by housing prices, mortgage credit, and restrictions on available land, and on the other hand by personal and family finances dependent on increasingly flexible or informal jobs, as is often the case in countries in the Southern Cone of America.

Access to housing, as in other countries on the subcontinent, is marked by the gap between income and prices, which particularly limits households in the VIS and VIP segments. According to the 2024 Quality of Life Survey by the National Statistics Department (DANE), only 39.6% of households live in their own homes, which shows persistent deprivation and a high dependence on subsidies and credit, making housing a scarce and highly valued social good.

In the first three months of 2025, according to the Colombian Chamber of Construction (Camacol, 2025), pre-sales of new homes fell by 4.5% compared to the same period last year, and construction starts decreased by 52.7%. This reveals the structural instability of a sector vulnerable to economic indicators such as cooling demand, unemployment rates, rising credit costs, and limited or reduced subsidies.

Similarly, the absence of a long-term housing policy creates uncertainty regarding the distribution of subsidies and threatens the accessibility of new housing for the middle and lower-middle classes. The interruption or changes in subsidy programs impact families that depend on both subsidies and mortgage loans, especially since used homes do not receive state support. Without the subsidy, equivalent to about 20% of the value of VIS and up to 30% of VIP, in addition to interest rate coverage, the aspiration of owning one's own home becomes distant and uncertain.

In addition to the above, we can add some conditions of the credit system, such as high interest rates on loans, which create further restrictions on access to housing for population groups with unstable incomes: stable employees with low salaries, young people in precarious jobs, and self-employed workers. According to Lombana and Ruiz (2024), the credit system in Colombia presents obstacles for many applicants due to its rigidity, strict requirements, and the exclusion of those with income from unconventional sources. The credit supply tends to make access more expensive and perpetuate a pattern of exclusion that exacerbates the housing crisis for low-income families and the middle class.

These national dynamics are evident in an intermediate Andean city in Colombia such as Manizales, where the physical and environmental setting structurally determines the supply of developable land for its nearly 450,000 inhabitants. The 2015–2027 POT and associated technical documents describe a territory of hillsides with large areas at risk of landslides, runoff corridors, and preservation areas that limit expansion and make urbanization and construction more expensive, limiting the final supply. In terms of the urban economy, this rigidity of supply puts pressure on land values and, consequently, on the exchange value of housing, with more acute effects on the social segment when subsidies slow down (Manizales City Hall, 2017).

Placing this case in a Latin American context allows us to understand that the problems concerning exchange value for applicants are not limited to housing in Colombian cities such as Manizales. Various authors who address the problem of the financialization of housing in Latin America, with special emphasis on cases in Chile, Mexico, and Brazil, report on the conversion of housing into a financial asset and the expansion of market mechanisms (mortgage credit, securitization, funds, and platforms) that have been controlling the production of and access to housing (Abeles, Pérez Caldentey, and Valdecantos 2018; Daher, 2013; Rolnik, 2018; Monkkonen, 2011). The work coordinated by Delgadillo (2021) shows that financialization, by shifting the focus from the right to decent housing to the logic of economic return, has transformed cities. Authors such as Marín-Toro, Guerreiro, and Rolnik (2021) point out that renting, whether formal or informal, has become the new frontier of this process; families have taken on risks and uncertainties that used to fall on the market or the state. In response to this situation, various international assessments (UN-Habitat, 2020; Rolnik, 2018) call for a rethinking of housing policies in Latin America, where housing prices are rising faster than incomes.

A qualitative approach that seeks to understand the universes of meaning that revolve around housing can complement the economic and regulatory perspectives that tend to predominate in housing analysis. From this perspective, housing can be considered a vital place, a symbol of achievement, or an aspirational horizon; it can become an event culturally shaped by capitalist aspirational pressure, a principle of existential rootedness, and a means of recognition (Núñez, 2020). More than a market object or a container, it is a complex artifact that combines structures, practices, affections, and symbolic logics associated with the experience of inhabiting. It can also be understood as a fundamental element in the construction of status and social distinction. Housing mobilizes life trajectories, family decisions, and even commitments or ‘moral debts’ that go beyond the financial and are fundamental to the maintenance of social relationships.

Among the literature produced in Latin America along these lines, there is a clear commitment to approaches that allow housing to be understood from an aspirational perspective (Lombana Useche & Ruiz Gómez, 2024; Stillerman, 2017) or as the result of material and symbolic work, which mediates daily between the home as a refuge and housing as a financial asset (Hurtado Tarazona, 2018). Other approaches emphasize the forms of subjectivation associated with neoliberal rationality, such as that of Quentin (2023), which shows that demand subsidy programs in Latin America deploy mechanisms of individual accountability that transform the right to housing into a practice of self-management and indebtedness; or that of Besoain and Cornejo (2015), which shows how the transition from informal settlements to social housing promotes a privatization of living, in which collective action retreats into domestic intimacy. These studies therefore support the premise that the experience of having or not having housing and the decision to seek access to it, despite structural difficulties, has symbolic, subjective, and social dimensions that can be understood through approaches that privilege the voices and experiences of the actors themselves.

From this perspective, the purpose of this article is to reflect, with a theoretical and empirical basis, on the question: How do middle —and low— income housing seekers in Manizales negotiate the tensions between their aspirational horizons, their practices of appropriation of domestic space, and the constraints of the financialized housing market? This purpose is developed from three perspectives related to the issue of housing. The first (anthropological) perspective examines housing as a life project and territory of intimacy (use value) and as a symbol of achievement and intra-family ‘moral debt’ (symbolic value). The second (urban planning, with an emphasis on economy) analyzes the determinants of exchange value: prices and costs (materials, land, and urbanization), rates and credit, subsidies and regulation, as well as the geomorphological rigidities that restrict land use. The hypothesis we propose as the basis for this article is that these three dimensions of value coexist and are interdependent.

Conceptualizing the Dimensions of Value Addressed

We start from a broad notion of value that distinguishes, without separating, three analytical dimensions: use value, symbolic value, and exchange value. Use value refers to the capacity of housing to support everyday practices, rest, care, privacy, sociality, and the material configuration that makes them possible (layouts, light, ventilation, accessibility). This axis dialogues with anthropology, which understands the home as a 'territory of intimacy' and as a socio-material assembly that organizes belongings, memories, and routines: Giglia (2012) proposes thinking of inhabiting as a cultural operator rather than as a simple occupation of space; Di Masso, Vidal & Pol (2008) emphasize person-place links and their processual nature; Zamorano (2007) avoids the reductive 'container/content' metaphor and shows the co-production of housing and family. These contributions allow for a conception of housing, or rather 'the house' or 'the home', as an artifact of social life that anchors domestic identities and temporalities, articulating materials, affections, and norms, rather than as an infrastructure of needs.

The 'symbolic value', inspired by the works of J. Baudrillard (2009) on the transcendence of goods, their use value and exchange value, indicates that housing concentrates signs and recognitions, is a marker of status and belonging, and a privileged object of aspiration. The literature on aspirations suggests that the desire to 'own a home' is not merely an individual impulse, but a culturally shaped capacity influenced by social repertoires and references (Appadurai, 2004), with performative effects on life trajectories. Development economics has also conceptualized 'aspiration thresholds' and their relationship to economic behavior related to saving, borrowing, investing, etc. (Ray, 2006; Genicot & Ray, 2017). From a sociological perspective, housing, its location, materials, and domestic 'staging' convey distinction and capital (in the manner of Bourdieu), something empirically documented in studies on residential 'display' and its grammar of achievement; the home operates as a symbol of status, achievement, and belonging, and as a horizon of mobility (or recognition) that structures family and biographical projects.

The 'exchange value' refers to housing as a commodity and as an asset in urban and financial markets. In recent decades, the home has been integrated into credit, securitization, and portfolio circuits, with the growing prominence of financial actors and metrics (Aalbers, 2016). In Latin America, waves of financialization are reorganizing the production of space, shifting risks to the home, and reconfiguring access (Delgadillo, 2021). This perspective allows us to articulate the determinants of affordability: income, interest rates, credit rationing, with institutional arrangements and production regimes, pre-sales, trusts, and subsidies. This helps to understand why rising rates and unstable subsidies, combined with restrictions on available land, sustain high prices and make access more fragile and difficult, particularly for households in the VIS and VIP segments. In this context, the experience of acquiring housing as a market commodity becomes a process fraught with challenges, uncertainties, and sacrifices, in the face of which applicants nevertheless deploy various strategies to achieve their goal.

A useful bridge between the symbolic and the economic is offered by the notion of 'moral debt' (Graeber, 2011): beyond mortgage credit as a contractual obligation, there persists a moral economy where 'providing a home for one's mother', 'ensuring a roof over one's children's heads' or 'fulfilling one's family obligations' burdens housing with obligations and legitimacies that exceed financial accounting. This moral dimension helps to understand why the desire for housing persists even when market conditions become adverse: it is not only a good for use and an investment that is sought, but also the fulfillment of duties and promises that organize kinship and reputation.

On this basis, we propose a relational framework for housing: as a space that is lived in and materially supported (use value); as a symbol of achievement, status, and moral debt, driven by aspirational tendencies and grammars of distinction (symbolic value); and as an asset whose price formation depends on institutions, finance, and land structure (exchange value). Theoretically, the key is not to hierarchize these levels, but to show their co-determination.

Methodological considerations

We use a qualitative perspective with a triangulation of statistical and documentary data to advance the research. Our goal is to understand the connection between experiences and meanings with market conditions, credit, subsidies, and territorial limitations surrounding the phenomenon of housing.

We conducted 20 semi-structured interviews with housing applicants (VIS/VIP and Non-VIS) who are residents or intend to purchase in Manizales. The selection was intentional/theoretical to maximize variation: gender and age; type of employment (formal/independent); previous experience (pre-approval, withdrawal, purchase in progress), and price range/segment (VIS, VIP, Non-VIS). The interviews (30–60 min) were conducted in person in spaces agreed upon with the participants. The script addressed: residential trajectories; motives and horizons for ‘owning a home’; desired configurations (architectural and location); ‘moral debts and family expectations; experiences with credit/subsidies; and perceptions of prices, supply, and delivery times. All participants gave informed consent, we pseudonymized identities, and we suppressed sensitive data. We supplemented this with online observation (consulting social media and local housing portals) to capture aspirational repertoires, supply language, and public discussions about subsidies and prices, as well as reviewing national and local press coverage on the subject.

At the same time, a documentary corpus was constructed with statistical and regulatory series that allowed us to place individual experiences in the sectoral and territorial context: prices and market dynamics; credit and rates; housing policy, and land use planning in Manizales.

For the analysis, thematic coding of fundamental categories (use value, symbolic value, and exchange value) and emerging subcategories was used, creating case-category matrices and analytical memos that brought the narratives into dialogue with sectoral evidence. Among the limitations are the sample size of interviews, which cannot be generalized, and the dependence on official and trade association statistics for the economic component. However, these restrictions were mitigated by contrasting local narratives, ethnographic observation, conversations with experts, and critical review of secondary sources, which enriched the interpretation of the phenomenon in a contextual key.

Results: The Dimensions of Housing Value

Exchange value

The exchange value of housing is presented as an area that brings together the macroeconomic dynamics of financialization with the everyday experiences of owners and aspiring owners, who seek to realize a life project in a market that is often adverse to them. National data confirm a structural change in ownership: in Colombia, the number of rented homes (7.3 million) exceeds the number owned by homeowners (7.1 million), making the country the one with the highest rental rate in Latin America (El Espectador, 2025).

In the first three months of 2025, the New Housing Price Index grew by 3.46% compared to the previous quarter, which is more than the 2.64% recorded a year earlier, according to DANE. This shows that prices are holding steady despite weakened demand (DANE, 2025). Camacol (2025a) asserts that market adjustment occurs mainly in terms of quantity: new construction starts fell by 52.7% during the same period, while launches increased by 12.7%, anticipating deliveries after 2026. This tactic of postponing supply prevents prices from falling nominally and artificially sustains exchange value, which limits the arrival of new customers and accentuates market exclusion (see Image 1).

For households and individuals, access is limited and expensive due to the loans they must take out to purchase a home. Effective rates for mortgage loans have been above 10% in recent years and require stable and formal employment profiles. Interviews show that bank debt is both a material and emotional burden. Several participants agree that they must deprive themselves of numerous expenses to save the necessary down payment. This is not only the case for mortgage loans, but also for consumer loans, which in many cases are used to cover the down payment or finishing touches on the home. In this context, housing, especially mortgages, represents a sacrifice and a form of discipline that determines daily life, producing individuals who define their lives according to the economic circumstances imposed by the neoliberal context of financialization (Sánchez Uriarte & Salinas Arreortua, 2023).

Subsidies, which are supposed to reduce the burden, end up creating uncertainty and exclusion. The end of the Mi Casa Ya program in December 2024 had an impact on VIS/VIP pre-sales and on the financial completion of projects that were underway, making access even more difficult for applicants (Ministry of Housing, 2024) (see Image 1). The accounts of the participants in this research coincide in highlighting the bias towards those with economic capacity and the rigidity of the bureaucracy. For example, Lisa was not eligible for a subsidy, but she was one of the lucky few who received help from a high-income relative to make the purchase. Sol, for her part, had to deal with the requirements and delays involved in proving her right to receive the subsidy. In this context, housing subsidies are not instruments of inclusion, but rather market mechanisms that perpetuate inequality and create uncertainty. In practice, they reinforce selectivity toward families with greater economic capacity and regulate low-income sectors in terms of debt, bureaucracy, and waiting times. This confirms that subsidy policy does not neutralize financialization but rather deepens it by shifting the burden of risk and the moral legitimacy of ‘deserving’ housing to households.

In the case of Manizales, the rugged topography acts as a multiplier of exchange value. The scarcity of developable land raises the price per square meter to $4.4 million on average, above cities such as Cali and Armenia (LaHaus, 2025), with the aggravating factor that much of the supply is concentrated in non-VIS projects (61%). Despite a partial recovery in the first half of 2025, social housing sales continue to lag (Camacol Caldas, 2025). In addition, units are delivered as ‘gray construction’, which means that households must assume the cost of finishing touches, and it takes longer to be able to fully inhabit the property. A recurring sentiment among buyers and prospective buyers is their frustration at the impossibility of accessing housing that requires new debts or costly repairs to be truly habitable, which makes the dream of owning their own home a journey fraught with difficulties.

In general, in Manizales there is a tension between what is desired and the limitations in terms of the exchange value of housing. Demanding credit, rigid prices, unstable subsidies, and a lack of land create a market that rewards solvency and punishes vulnerability. At the same time, the stories show how families implement tactics of saving, borrowing, family support, or investment in rentals to circumvent a system they consider rigid and unfair. Therefore, exchange value is not only manifested in market figures: it is also present in deprivation, sacrifice, and the reframing of debt as an investment. More than just a commodity, housing is an essential arena of conflict between financial logic and families' hopes for stability and security.

The value of use

The analysis shows that the candidates and homeowners consulted in Manizales do not consider housing solely as a physical space that satisfies material needs, but also as a fundamental element of daily life, closely related to autonomy, well-being, and identity. In this dimension, according to A. Giglia (2012), the home is an artifact of social life, a territory of intimacy that is domesticated, that is, appropriated in everyday life through culture. The home involves emotions, routines, and relationships by connecting the tangible aspects of space with the meanings and practices inherent to them.

In the stories collected, the home is mentioned numerous times as a space of refuge and well-being, beyond its physical aspect. It is a place that combines freedom, security, and purpose. For Alex, it is his ‘favorite place in the world’, while for Tulio it has a connotation of refuge, of ‘being everything’, which links it to security and fulfillment. The home of Armando, who is blind, has become a refuge of tranquility and quality of life, which contrasts with the conditions in which he lived before. Applicants who do not have housing do not feel that the place they rent or the family home is their own, nor can they transform or use them according to their aspirations, so these spaces do not acquire the meaning of those they bought, much less that of the home they still dream of.

The functionality, characteristics, and size of the home are presented as essential elements of its use value. The participants in the research agree that spacious and well-distributed spaces improve personal and family life, which significantly influences how well-being is perceived (see Table 1). While some highlight the possibility of modifying the house according to their taste, to eliminate barriers and ensure comfort, others appreciate light and windows as a guarantee of quality of life. There is also a discrepancy between the ideal, especially among those who are not yet homeowners, of having a ‘spacious house with a green area’, and what the market offers for their limited budgets: apartments of 30 to 40 m². This difference between the desired home and reality negatively affects the quality of life of the inhabitants.

Another aspect of use value is represented by the aesthetic and experiential appropriation of the space of the dream home, or one acquired through a loan. Actions such as painting, decorating, or choosing the materials for the final touches are often cited as expressions of appropriation and the manifestation of identity, giving it the character of a home. Alex recalls that when he acquired the keys to his first apartment, the first thing he did to make it his own was to paint the rooms. Luisa appreciates the freedom she has ‘with regard to space and color’, while Alexandra opts for a minimalist style to distinguish herself from the family aesthetic and express her individuality. Sol recounted her enthusiasm for the process of finishing her apartment, which was delivered in gray work, choosing the woods and colors and the design of her new home, which she describes as ‘very cozy’, in keeping with her style and taste. These experiences show the relevance of the link between people and spaces in the construction of senses of identity and belonging (Di Masso, Vidal, and Pol 2008). In this sense, aesthetically personalizing one's home is not limited to a decorative action; it is rather a symbolic act of appropriation that transforms the space into an extension of identity and a 'refuge for the soul' (Bachelard, 2000), which shows that the value of use is determined at the material, emotional, and cultural levels.

Symbolic value

In Manizales' analysis, housing, rather than a financial asset or physical support, represents a social and biographical mark that encapsulates aspirations, family histories, and forms of recognition. Its symbolic value is based on the pride of overcoming hardship, on the notion of success so widespread in global modes of producing subjects under individualistic, developmentalist, and economistic criteria, and on the moral obligation that unites generations through inheritance and protection. The compiled stories show that housing is a place where the meanings of identity, security, and autonomy are concentrated; at the same time, it serves as a private refuge and an indicator of status.

A common theme is the pride experienced in overcoming precarious situations and achieving a long-awaited goal. This is illustrated by the story of Luisa, who burst into tears when she received her home because, years earlier, people had mocked her determination to save money; or by Sol, for whom buying a home on her own, without inheritance or substantial support, was proof of an effort that dignified her; or by Tulio, who described his purchase as a break with a ‘legacy of poverty’. The perception of housing as an indicator of status and an expression of identity reinforces this sense of achievement. Housing is presented as a place to reinterpret individual experience, establish a personal aesthetic, and strengthen self-esteem, often in contrast to inherited styles. Simultaneously, there is a biographical dimension: while some try to break with family traditions, others appreciate that the house expresses their stories and personality. This demonstrates how the space where one lives becomes a support for identity and symbolic expression.

The 'dream of home ownership' is framed within a neoliberal logic that transforms aspiration into an imperative of self-improvement and discipline, where success may depend on the ability to take on debt and endure prolonged sacrifices. 'The little house of one's own' continues to be the great dream, even though it often seems impossible to achieve. This desire is related to the values of sacrifice and discipline, as it involves depriving oneself of things, taking on long-term debt, and striving relentlessly to reach what is understood as a horizon of success and security. The narratives indicate that families use a significant portion of their income to pay off loans, save for years for the down payment, or take on the burden of extra debt to finish and adapt their homes. Sometimes, the financial pressure can mean spending more than 80% of household income to pay the installments, seeking support from relatives to avoid defaulting, or considering other desperate measures in times of unemployment or reduced income, something that is often interpreted by debtors as a great achievement rather than the creation of a precarious situation. The motivation to own a home, despite economic difficulties, Kafkaesque paperwork, and even a lack of support, which sometimes manifests itself as envy or resistance on the part of loved ones, remains stronger than the emotional and material costs.

This dream of owning a home transcends the need for a roof over one's head: it is experienced as a 'refuge' and a space of autonomy, laden with meanings of social recognition and 'moral debt' towards the family. The emotions associated with receiving a home —tears of satisfaction, the excitement of offering security to one's children, or the pride of having a space of one's own— reveal that the home is also a biographical milestone and a commitment to the family. Even those who wish to buy outside the banking system maintain the aspiration to build or acquire a home, seeing it as family heritage and legacy. In this sense, the dream of homeownership becomes a vital organizer of individual and collective projects that, despite market adversities, drives critical, creative, or even clandestine strategies, such as lending a name to access credit or keeping the purchase secret, confirming that homeownership is at once a desire, a sacrifice, and a life horizon (see Image 1).

In Manizales, the symbolic value of housing manifests itself as a vital horizon that structures life projects, links family expectations, supports stories of recognition and independence, and reaffirms the contemporary subjectivity of individual or family success through possessions. It represents a dimension that strengthens self-esteem, communicates security, and organizes the sense of the future, despite being affected by conflicts with the market, fragmented policies, and family mandates. Housing is, in short, a sociocultural object loaded with meanings, synthesizing achievements and debts, freedoms and obligations, aspirations and frustrations, and sustaining itself as a central element of social and biographical life in a context of structural inequality.

Discussion and Conclusions

Housing cannot be considered solely as a consumer good that is regulated by prices, credit, and subsidies, like any other market product. The findings support the idea that housing includes social, material, and symbolic elements that are intertwined in the daily life of households. In terms of its use value, it is a place for privacy, a space for comfort, and a support for family life. In terms of its symbolic value, it becomes a goal to achieve, a source of social recognition, and a moral responsibility toward the family. And its exchange value makes it a property exposed to financialization with rigid prices, scarce credit, and varying incentives that determine the possibilities of access.

This multidimensional perspective makes it possible to understand that the three levels of value coexist, affect each other, and come into tension. The desire to own one's own home (symbol) is based on the possibility of personalizing and inhabiting a space (use), but this aspiration is limited by the barriers of financing and market laws (change). On the other hand, the discontinuity of subsidies (change) and the rigidity of credit modify paths to residence and delay ambitions, while the social reputation of ‘owning one's own home’ (symbol) promotes sacrifices and extended debts that are passed on from one generation to the next.

In Manizales, access to new housing is determined by spatial and market factors, with particularities such as rugged topography and the concentration of non-VIS projects, which can exacerbate the marginalization of those who depend on subsidies and credit. However, this exclusion coexists with the desire and need for housing among representatives of the middle and lower-middle classes, which shows that access is not determined solely by market logic, but also by social and emotional aspirations. In this context, the local experience reflects a broader reality: housing cannot be considered simply an isolated economic fact or, as Zamorano (2007) would say, a container space, but must be seen as a socio-material artifact in which individual and family trajectories, public policies, urban structures, affections, and moral mandates are intertwined.

On the other hand, the experiences analyzed dialogue with Latin American research that shows how housing, especially subsidized housing, as in a case in Soacha (Colombia), creates tension between affective appropriation and market demands, where economic valuation regulates living (Hurtado Tarazona, 2018). They also reveal the tension that appears in cities such as Santiago de Chile, between the privatization of domestic space in its experience and the process of acquisition versus the collective sense of the right to the city (Besoain and Cornejo, 2015); or that between housing as a social responsibility and an individual one subject to neoliberal governmentality (Quentin, 2023).

Finally, recognizing housing as a right implies considering its materiality, social value, and meanings at the same time. This suggests that public policies should no longer be considered solely as a transferable asset but should begin to be viewed as an essential support for citizenship. This perspective also opens fertile ground for future comparative research in Latin America, where the tension between financialization and the right to housing arises in a variety of urban situations.

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Gregorio Hernández-Pulgarín

PhD in Urban Planning and Land Use (École d'Urbanisme de Paris); Master's in Anthropology (Université de Bordeaux); Anthropologist (University of Caldas) and Business Administrator (National University of Colombia). Full professor, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, and leader of the Territorialities Research Group at the University of Caldas. His research focus on narratives on the crisis and rebirth of cities, housing, and urban mobility, as well as on different topics in urban anthropology and city management.

Geraldine Buitrago Rodas

Thesis student in Anthropology at the University of Caldas. Member of the Terranova research group. She has worked as a fellow in academic and research processes, strengthening her research training. Her interests include urban anthropology, territorial and urban studies, as well as reflection on housing, space, and community life in urban contexts.

Autor

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

Housing as a socio-material artifact in Manizales:

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

This purpose is developed from three perspectives related to the issue of housing. The first (anthropological) perspective examines housing as a life project and territory of intimacy (use value) and as a symbol of achievement and intra-family "moral debt" (symbolic value). The second (urban planning, with an emphasis on economic ) analyzes the determinants of exchange value: prices and costs (materials, land, and urbanization), rates and credit, subsidies and regulation, as well as the geomorphological rigidities that restrict land use. The hypothesis we propose as the basis for this article is that these three dimensions of value coexist and are interdependent.

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

Image 1. Overview of new and rental housing 2023 and 2024

Source: La República (2024).

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

Table 1. Expressions related to exchange value

Source: Own elaboration based on interviews.

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

Image 1. Words associated with symbolic value

Source: Own elaboration based on interviews.

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

aspirations, appropriation, and the market

Fuente: Autoría propia

Our homes in their investment portfolios.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Nuestras viviendas en sus carteras de inversión.

Centralización socioespacial del stock de Airbnb en Medellín

Nossas casas em seus portfólios de investimento.

Centralização socioespacial das ações do Airbnb em Medellín

Nos logements dans vos portefeuilles d'investissement.

Centralisation sociospatiale du parc Airbnb à Medellín

Luis Daniel Santana Rivas

Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín

ldsantanar@unal.edu.co

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4855-5710

Alejandro Aristizábal Silva

Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín

aaristizabalsr@unal.edu.co

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5484-6106

How to cite this article:

Santana Rivas, L. D., Aristizábal Silva, A. (2025). Our homes in their investment portfolios. Socio-spatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): -298.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.122521

Recibido: 01/09/2025

Aprobado: 25/11/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

(3) 2025: -298

E-21_122521

Autor

Abstract

One of the constituent elements of the current touristification process in Medellín is an active short-term rental property market, which has expanded the spheres of reproduction of financial and real estate capital. This emergence, rapid in time and extensive in space, has occurred in two forms: the conversion of existing housing stock into tourist residences and the development of new ad hoc real estate products. Thus, the objective of this article is to investigate how centralized the ownership or management of homes transformed into assets traded on the Airbnb platform is—particularly the former—and how they are spatially distributed throughout Medellín. By identifying the number and type of properties associated with hosts, different agents, their market positions, and the spatial arrangement of their assets were identified. It is evident that, contrary to the imaginary of a decentralized market, monopolistic tendencies are present, suggesting that a large part of Airbnb’s stock corresponds to investment portfolios with selective spatial planning in the location of its assets, with a significant concrete and potential impact on the city’s social geography.

Keywords: real estate market, housing, tourism, speculation

Resumen

Uno de los elementos constitutivos del actual proceso turistificador que se da en Medellín es un activo mercado de inmuebles de rentas cortas, que ha ampliado las esferas de la reproducción de capitales financiero-inmobiliarios. Esa irrupción, rápida en términos temporales y extensiva espacialmente, se ha dado bajo dos modalidades: la conversión de inmuebles del parque habitacional en residencias turísticas y el desarrollo de nuevos productos inmobiliarios ah hoc. Así, el objetivo del artículo es indagar qué tan centralizada está la propiedad o gestión de viviendas transformadas en activos transados en la plataforma Airbnb —sobre todo del primer tipo— y cómo se distribuyen espacialmente en el territorio medellinense. A partir de la identificación de la cantidad y tipo de inmuebles asociados a los ‘hosts’ se identificaron diferentes agentes, sus posiciones en el mercado y la disposición espacial de sus activos. Se evidencia que, a diferencia del imaginario de un mercado descentralizado, se presentan tendencias monopólicas que sugieren que buena parte del stock de Airbnb corresponde a carteras de inversión con una planificación espacial selectiva en la localización de sus activos, con un gran impacto concreto y potencial en la geografía social de la ciudad.

Palabras clave: vivienda de alquiler, vivienda, turismo, mercado financiero.

Resumo

Um dos elementos constitutivos do atual processo de turistificação em Medellín é um ativo mercado imobiliário de aluguel de curta temporada, que expandiu as esferas de reprodução do capital financeiro e imobiliário. Essa emergência, rápida no tempo e extensa no espaço, ocorreu de duas formas: a conversão do parque habitacional existente em residências turísticas e o desenvolvimento de novos produtos imobiliários ad hoc. Assim, o objetivo deste artigo é investigar o quão centralizada é a propriedade ou a gestão de imóveis transformados em ativos negociados na plataforma Airbnb — em particular a primeira — e como eles se distribuem espacialmente por Medellín. Ao identificar o número e o tipo de imóveis associados aos anfitriões, foram identificados diferentes agentes, suas posições de mercado e a disposição espacial de seus ativos. É evidente que, ao contrário do imaginário de um mercado descentralizado, tendências monopolistas estão presentes, sugerindo que grande parte do estoque do Airbnb corresponde a carteiras de investimentos com planejamento espacial seletivo na localização de seus ativos, com significativo impacto concreto e potencial na geografia social da cidade.

Palavras-chave: mercado imobiliário, habitação, turismo, especulação

Résumé

L’un des éléments constitutifs du processus actuel de touristification à Medellín est un marché immobilier locatif actif à court terme, qui a élargi les sphères de reproduction du capital financier et immobilier. Cette émergence, rapide dans le temps et étendue dans l’espace, s’est manifestée sous deux formes : la conversion du parc immobilier existant en résidences touristiques et le développement de nouveaux produits immobiliers ad hoc. Cet article vise donc à analyser le degré de centralisation de la propriété ou de la gestion des logements transformés en actifs négociés sur la plateforme Airbnb, en particulier dans le premier cas, et leur répartition spatiale à Medellín. En identifiant le nombre et le type de biens immobiliers associés aux hôtes, les différents agents, leur positionnement sur le marché et la répartition spatiale de leurs actifs ont été identifiés. Il apparaît clairement que, contrairement à l’imaginaire d’un marché décentralisé, des tendances monopolistiques sont présentes, suggérant qu’une grande partie du parc immobilier d’Airbnb correspond à des portefeuilles d’investissement avec une planification spatiale sélective de la localisation de ses actifs, avec un impact concret et potentiel significatif sur la géographie sociale de la ville.

Mots-clés : marché immobilier, logement, tourisme, spéculation

Introduction

In less than a decade, Medellín has transformed and established itself as a touristic city. After being a destination predominantly visited by domestic tourists until the first decade of the 21st century, it is now visited mainly by foreigners, who represent 72% of visitors, with an estimated 1.8 million (Secretariat of Tourism, 2025) in 2025. In terms of accommodation, these growing numbers of tourists stay in hotels and hostels or in what the district administration calls tourist housing, making it difficult to establish the absolute number of guests, especially in the latter category.

Since 2021, the Mayor's Office of Medellín has reported data on accommodation in 'tourist housing', which went from 4,219 units in that year to 17,138, 33,973, 39,533, and 36,417 in 2022, 2023, 2024, and 2025, respectively (Secretariat of Tourism, 2025). Although occupancy in July 2025 was 49% compared to 70% for hotels and hostels, the owners of these homes, who are registered as tourism service providers alongside shops, restaurants, and other activities in the sector, accounted for 70% of the total in 2025 (Ministry of Tourism, 2025).

Although the figures are by no means definitive in terms of reflecting the real importance of this new real estate market, they do confirm the growing importance of what will be referred to here as 'short-term rental housing', given that what prevails in its social circulation is not its use value associated with living in it, but rather its exchange value in recurrent movement, which produces short-term income and financial liquidity. This importance is not only defined by the dynamics inherent in tourism but is also key to understanding the current urban housing crisis.

It is therefore essential to understand the configuration, development, and changes in the production, circulation, and consumption of short-term rental housing involved in both tourism activities and new ways of living, such as digital nomadism and international retirement migration. Although the public debate on Airbnb in Medellín has focused on gentrification, rising rental prices for residents, and conflicts between tourists and locals, little is known about the social agents involved in this debate, as well as their strategies for social and spatial impact on the city.

For this reason, regulatory proposals such as those put forward by the current administration, which simply involve registering properties and running advertising campaigns —in conjunction with Airbnb— to limit the use of these homes for sex tourism, or those that will surely result from making an inventory of them for the new revision of the land use plan, are aimed at facilitating the development of this new financial-real estate market (Brossat, 2019), viewing them essentially as just another phenomenon of 'land occupation'.

A first step toward generating a deep understanding of the configuration and development of short-term rental properties in Medellín involves scrutinizing the few and nebulous data that exist to identify the urban agents involved. Consequently, the objective of this article is to investigate how centralized the ownership or management of housing transformed into assets traded on the Airbnb platform is —especially the former—, and how they are spatially distributed in the Medellín area.

The starting point is the hypothesis that the development and conversion of housing into short-term rental properties, which circulate mainly on the Airbnb digital platform, is a cutting-edge field of real estate and housing financialization in the Medellín context and that, although it is far from the monopolistic tendencies exercised by large global real estate asset management companies, in tourist metropolises, it shows clear signs of moving towards that horizon. Therefore, both citizen and social responses and the formulation of housing policies as a fundamental social right must be supported by a broad understanding of the characteristics of this market in Medellín.

Methodologically, the challenge of financial and real estate opacity in this market emerges, which is common in other tourist contexts but more serious in Medellín due to the structural existence of illicit capital accumulation. In response to this, the unique identification number assigned by Airbnb on the AllTheRooms website was explored. This type of input is generated for consultation by investors in the sector, including platforms, and therefore it is not possible to explore the legal nature of each one in detail. Based on the number of assets associated with the same identifier, they were classified quantitatively and qualitatively into several categories of agents. Subsequently, the spatial distribution of these different types was identified based on their importance in the market, which ultimately allows profiles to be identified according to their impact on the social geography of the city.

Our Homes and Cities in Their Investment Portfolios

Much of the theoretical reflection on the capitalist financialization of housing has emphasized first understanding how a spatially fixed asset is transformed into a tradable security in capital markets, with consequences in terms of cheaper credit, mortgage debt securitization, and the impact of financial crises in terms of housing expropriation. Subsequently, authors and authors have delved into the implications of real estate production and circulation, highlighting the role of development and income investment funds, which implies the imposition of strictly financial and capital market logic on this branch of accumulation (Carroza Athens, 2022; Vergara-Perucich, 2025).

Recently, the emergence of platforms for the circulation of short-term rental housing has pointed to a new area of this financialization of housing. However, what happens to housing prices because of the dynamics of short-term rentals has structural elements that are constitutive of real estate markets in general. Understanding the configuration of a short-term rental housing market and its urban implications therefore involves establishing the structural elements of capitalist real estate development and the contingencies that derive from financialization in a new niche for the reproduction of financial and real estate capital.

In this sense, it is possible to point out that the existence of this new market has an impact on what Jaramillo (2009) calls general and cyclical movements in housing prices; that is, on the trend patterns of land price increases that subsequently imply increases in the prices of built space and medium- and short-term fluctuations, respectively. In the first case, the short-term rental market accelerates the monopolization of land and real estate assets, while in the second, tourism cycles impact the dynamics of housing prices.

It also means that the institution in different urban and rural areas, like any new capitalist market, involves processes of primitive accumulation that can be internal or external (Harvey, 2018; Rolnik, 2017), within which gentrification is nothing more than a process limited to certain areas of cities. The modalities of enclosure of the housing market can affect areas such as the rental segment, the production of social housing, and even self-construction.

Finally, a third structural impact will result from the transformation of the traditional roles of certain types of urban speculators, also described by Jaramillo (2009). The development of a niche market for housing speculation in conjunction with the financialization of capitalism implies new forms of social agency in the dynamics of housing price movements.

One of the main developments introduced by the production and circulation of short-term rental housing in a context of financial capitalism is described by Christophers (2025) in Our Lives in Their Investment Portfolios: How Asset Managers Rule the World. The circulation of non-residential real estate, housing, and territorial infrastructure currently depends on asset management companies that administer these assets under a logic of maximizing returns and financial liquidity, which are owned by private and institutional investors. This management involves minimizing maintenance costs, amplifying the difference between the acquisition and sale costs of the assets, and facilitating their rapid sale if necessary (Christophers, 2025).

Currently, both global asset management companies and others with a national, regional, or metropolitan scope are often behind part of the stock circulating on platforms such as Airbnb. Of course, the levels of opacity are notable, and it is not always feasible to establish the weight of large management companies in the world's major tourist metropolises. They act in metropolitan contexts as 'inductive macro-speculators', a category adapted from that originally proposed by Jaramillo (2009) insofar as their transactions and housing asset management patterns affect price movements in different cities, and within them in large or highly valued areas; also in that they manage not only housing but also infrastructure, enabling them to capture different forms of differential rents.

Although these asset management companies are at the top of the tourism market hierarchy, in contexts such as Colombia, many managers are traditional 'inductive speculators', generally operating as developers of new short-term rental real estate developments, as well as in the financial management of these same properties on platforms such as Airbnb. The capture and appropriation of land rents are combined with the financial surpluses from the management of assets owned by various types of institutional or individual investors.

In the realm of passive speculators, conceived by Jaramillo (2009) as agents who simply participate in the circulation of housing in the market —sales, rentals— a new urban agent emerges: ‘passive short-term rental speculators' who manage short-term rental housing on a medium scale in terms of volume, but who, in addition to facilitating management within the real estate platform of different owners, sometimes act as rental managers providing cleaning, refurbishment, and maintenance services for the properties. As Santana (2024) also points out, the existence of Airbnb has led to the proliferation of a new type of housing speculator who does not benefit from increases in the value of the housing they normally use —Jaramillo (2009) calls this proto-speculation— nor from specialized real estate brokerage companies —passive speculation—. It is a 'micro-property speculator' who benefits from rents and, in this case, from increases in the contract rent for short-term rentals of their second or third home —income that supplements their regular income.

Each of these types of agents could have different impacts on urban geography. Macro-speculators and inductive speculators would tend to concentrate on assets that generate monopoly rents —those that have unique location conditions or socially valued attributes that are likely to fetch a monopoly price because of those very conditions— as these are the ones that make it easier to guarantee greater profitability and liquidity. Passive speculators tend to develop strategies to focus or diversify their areas of operation based on their knowledge of the market, while micro-speculators capture differential rents in different, less attractive locations.

In this sense, the consolidation of these trends generates pressure on almost all segments of the housing market, whether new, rental, or across different social classes. Although less consolidated working-class neighborhoods are unattractive, informal areas with better accessibility to tourist circuits are also entering the Airbnb housing circulation process. It could be said that the ‘Airbnbification’ of housing is a process that affects speculative movements in structural and cyclical prices.

Methodological Strategy

Based on a selection of data by commune and district and anonymized information from the AllTheRooms website, a database was created with variables such as location, host (with a unique identifier), type of accommodation, and capacity (see Table 1). Three processes were carried out using this spatial database.

First, more than 7,000 real estate assets circulating on Airbnb in July 2024 were georeferenced, identifying how they are distributed in relative terms, i.e., based on their density in Medellín's urban and rural geography. The spatial distributions of different types of accommodation were also identified in five categories that group together more than fifteen strictly building-related designations and where they are located according to the land use assigned in the land use plan.

Secondly, the identification and classification of Airbnb hosts based on the number of assets they manage or own within the jurisdiction of the district of Medellín; the following ranges were identified: 1, 2, 3 and 4, 5 to 9, 10 to 19, 20 to 49, and more than 50. As mentioned, it is not possible to establish whether the host is the owner or simply the manager or administrator, nor is it possible to obtain detailed information on whether they are a natural or legal person. For this reason, reference will be made to owner-managers, especially those associated with two or more assets.

Thirdly, depending on whether they are small, medium, or large owner-managers of assets, asset distribution maps were drawn up to identify whether there are differential location patterns depending on the type of urban and financial-real estate agent. This makes it easier to explore the socio-spatial implications of the centralization of assets on Airbnb in Medellín.

Airbnb, a new financial-real estate monopoly? Evidence in Medellín

Although the first widely circulated map showing the distribution of Airbnb accommodations in Medellín appeared in an article in the newspaper El Colombiano (2023) with data extracted from the AllTheRooms website, exploratory analyses of and their spatiotemporal variation are still necessary. Although the data presented is from July 2024, the consolidation of touristification means that it is still valid in terms of trends as of September 2025. Before identifying the types of agents involved in Airbnb, some exploratory elements on the spatial distribution of real estate assets at that time are provided.

The Airbnb Phenomenon in Medellín

The Airbnb map for the district of Medellín alone in 2024 showed more than 7,000 housing units of various types. Although the platform has been operating since the early 2010s and it was initially thought that the properties included in its database were located in the city's traditional tourist and hotel sectors, by 2024 there is a considerable dispersion of units in both rural areas —mainly in the township of Santa Elena— and urban areas —in the west, eastern pericenter, and southeast— with only the density of properties varying, which is of course higher in neighborhoods close to tourist attractions (see Figure 1).

There are therefore two distribution patterns: in the communes of Laureles-Estadio and El Poblado, there is the highest density of units, ranging from 11 to 56 properties per hectare, in the form of corridors such as the one comprising Carrera 70 in the west of the city at Laureles-Estadio, Calle 10 in El Poblado, and east of Avenida Oriental in the central area; the second consists of less dense but very scattered clusters in middle-class districts such as Belén and Robledo, but also in working-class districts such as Villa Hermosa, Manrique, and Aranjuez, and even Popular on the northeastern outskirts (see Figure 1).

The platform distinguishes between more than 15 types of urban and rural accommodation, based on the type of building, size, etc., which are grouped into four broad categories. The most prevalent and present in all neighborhoods of Medellín are those with the greatest impact on urban housing: houses, apartments, and rooms (see Figure 2). Accommodations associated with hostels and new short-term rental buildings represent a significant percentage but are more concentrated in tourist districts (see Figure 2). Finally, units in rural villages have an impact on three of Medellín's five districts: Santa Elena, San Cristóbal, and Palmitas, but mainly the former (see Figure 2).

Sixty-seven percent of accommodations are concentrated in urban areas with high and low functional mix, while in rural areas, 33% are located in mixed urban-rural areas —in the suburban category— and 20% in protected forest areas (see Figure 3). This shows that in urban areas, accommodations impact areas that are well served by services and businesses, while in rural areas they jeopardize environmental conservation and agricultural production, mainly of the peasant type.

A First Approach to Urban Agents in Medellín's Airbnb

At first glance, the extremely high socio-spatial dispersion of Airbnb properties would suggest, as in the rhetoric of platform companies, that various social agents from different classes benefit from these rents. However, when filtering the unique identifiers in more than 7,000 units in Medellín, the evidence suggests otherwise.

Seventy-two percent of owners or managers have only one property, controlling only 30.7% of the total units listed on Airbnb. If we add those who manage two properties, the cumulative total rises to 40.4% of all units, even though they represent 83% of owners (see Table 2). Units with 3 to 9 units account for 26% of the accommodation property stock and only 13.6% of owners or managers (see Table 2).

Finally, it should be noted that large owners or managers have 10 or more units, corresponding to 1,858 units or 47% of the total (see Table 2). In other words, this last group accounts for the largest proportion of units listed on Airbnb in the district of Medellín. Not only is there no more uniform distribution, but a small number of owners/managers (8%) own most units rented on the platform.

The existence of both micro-property speculators, who may have between one and two registered properties, and companies that play a role similar to that of passive speculators, with between three and 19 properties, is confirmed. From 20 properties onwards, the complexity of simultaneously managing houses, apartments, rooms, farms, etc., is such that the agents involved may be inductive speculators—agents with multiple real estate investments— or macro financial-real estate speculators with the capacity to facilitate the continuous operation of rent extraction.

This dual division between small and large speculators has at least two impacts on the urban geography of Medellín. The former, potentially considered micro-property speculators and small and medium-sized passive speculators, have facilitated the conversion of properties into tourist rooms in all the communes and districts of Medellín, although with a significant difference between the north and south. Neighborhoods that originated from social housing policies, popular self-construction, and middle- and upper-class policies have properties available to domestic and foreign tourists (see Figure 4).

Large-scale speculators may include inductive and macro financial-real estate speculators, since the spatial distribution of their units reveals a high degree of selectivity. The units owned and managed by large property owners reveal that they tend to cluster in the most socially prestigious areas: the sector known as the "golden mile," the corridor of 10th Street and the upper transversal in El Poblado; in the west of the city, the Carrera 70 corridor stands out, but there are also concentrations in neighborhoods in the Belén and La América districts, near district 13, San Javier (see Figure 5).

This selectivity implies a powerful monopolization of real estate assets in these areas, which share common characteristics: they are upper-class neighborhoods and, to a lesser extent, middle-class neighborhoods; they are highly centralized in terms of tourist activities, commerce, restaurants, bars, and nightclubs; they are undergoing significant building verticalization processes as a result of property-by-property urban renewal processes; they are contiguous to what, in terms of local land use policy, are called high-mix corridors, which include motels in addition to commerce and restaurants.

In these areas valued by tourism, which have become tourist destinations, a high volume of buildings for short-term rentals in different modalities —coliving, themed hostels (influencers and YouTubers, for example), studio apartments, etc.— have been concentrated for less than five years. These buildings tend to have recurring architectural features: tall buildings, green facades, use of bright colors, and even murals as decorative elements. It is difficult to identify how many units in the database are already part of this type of building and whether this explains the spatial concentrations, in addition to the fact that other platforms such as Vrbo and Booking are not being considered, knowing that a developer can be simultaneously on one or two of these applications.

It is possible that the same development companies manage investor quotas and the circulation of properties on platforms such as Airbnb, functioning as asset management companies, in this case for real estate. However, the name registered in the database does not allow for the identification of specific information about these companies.

Final reflections

The analytical exercise reveals a pressing centralization of properties listed on the Airbnb platform, with small owners or managers (those with one or at most two associated units) accounting for only 40.4% of the total assets. Medium and large specialized agents control 47%, almost half of the accommodation market. This is consistent with other research on the monopolistic tendencies of agents participating in Airbnb in other tourist cities around the world (Brossat, 2019; García-Lopez et al., 2021; González, 2023; Lerena-Rongvaux and Orozco, 2025).

Although there is no detailed information on the type of owner-managers, they operate, at least from the point of view of their location and accommodation concentration strategies, as asset management companies. Although there is no evidence of the presence of major global companies, it is possible that local, national, or even transnational firms of this type exist. This is a point that should be explored further as outcroppings, visible spaces within a hidden structure, emerge.

One way is to track the companies and investors that are venturing into the active market for short-term rental properties in Medellín, which could be the main management companies for this type of asset on platforms such as Airbnb. For now, what the analysis suggests is that they play a fundamental role in capturing tourist monopoly rents by concentrating the largest amount of assets in socially highly valued areas, close to tourist circuits and with high functional centrality.

The impact of this type of short-term rental property on future real estate or tourism crises still needs to be studied. Devaluation processes could be mitigated by using these properties as primary residences, with a decline in housing standards for those who must resort to the rental market.

However, a less centralized market would not be ideal either. With 40% of units belonging to micro-speculators, all segments of the urban housing market are impacted, even more so than those assets managed by medium and large managers-owners. This is one of the structural elements associated with the general price movements currently affecting Medellín (Santana, 2024).

Whether it is our homes in their investment portfolios or a growing layer of micro-property speculators seeking to increase their income or secure a more generous pension, there are different types of fuels feeding the current housing crisis in Medellín. And they are outside the agenda of social movements, urban policies —now focused on building an artificial sea— the process of reviewing the land use plan, and the limited role of local and national government in realizing the right to decent housing.

References

BROSSAT, I. (2019). Airbnb: la ciudad uberizada. (S. Ruiz Elizalde, Trad.; 1.a ed.). Katakrak. (Trabajo original publicado en 2018). https://katakrak.net/sites/default/files/airbnb._la_ciudad_uberizada_web.pdf

CARROZA ATHENS, N. (2022). Variedades de financiarización de la vivienda en América Latina: un análisis comparado entre Chile y Venezuela (2000-2015). Revista INVI, 37(105), 98–123. https://doi.org/10.5354/0718-8358.2022.63800

CHRISTOPHERS, B. (2025). Nuestras vidas en sus carteras de inversión. Cómo los gestores de activos dominan el mundo. (P. Martín Ponz, Trad.; 1.a ed.). Traficantes de Sueños. (Trabajo original publicado en 2023). https://traficantes.net/sites/default/files/pdfs/PC_33_Nuestras%20vidas_web_1.pdf

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GONZÁLEZ, R. (2023). Los oferentes de Airbnb en la financiarización de la vivienda en las áreas centrales de la Ciudad de México, URBS. Revista de Estudios Urbanos y Ciencias Sociales, 13(1): 101-107. https://urbs.xoc.uam.mx/index.php/urbs/article/view/41/39

JARAMILLO, S. (2009). Hacia una teoría de la renta del suelo urbano (2.ª ed.). Universidad de los Andes.

HARVEY, D. (2018). Los senderos del mundo. (J. Madariaga. Trad.; 1.a ed.). Akal. (Trabajo original publicado en 2016).

LERENA-RONGVAUX, N. Y OROZCO, H. (2025). Alquileres a corto plazo como nuevos patrones de acumulación territorial. Airbnb en Buenos Aires y Santiago de Chile. Scripta Nova. Revista Electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales, 29(2), 141-176. https://doi.org/10.1344/sn2025.29.46737

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Luis Daniel Santana Rivas

Associate Professor at the School of Habitat. Geographer and Master in Geography from the National University of Colombia, Bogotá, and Doctor in Geography from the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile.

Alejandro Aristizábal Silva

Political scientist from the National University of Colombia, master’s degree in Socio-Spatial Studies from the University of Antioquia. Member of the Center for Critical Political Thought and the GET Territorial Studies Research Group.

Autors

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Our homes in their investment portfolios.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

The objective of this article is to investigate how centralized the ownership or management of housing transformed into assets traded on the Airbnb platform is —especially the former—, and how they are spatially distributed in the Medellín area.

The starting point is the hypothesis that the develop­ment and conversion of housing into short-term rental properties, which circulate mainly on the Airbnb digital platform, is a cutting-edge field of real estate and housing financialization in the Medellín context

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Table 1. Variables and search method

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Figure 1. Density of short-term rentals on Airbnb in 2024

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Figure 2. Main types of accommodation on Airbnb in 2024

Source: Own elaboration.

Figure 3. Number of Airbnbs by urban and rural land use POT 2014

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Table 2. Distribution of units and owner-managers on Airbnb in Medellín, 2024

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Figure 4. Small and medium-sized owners-managers of units on Airbnb in Medellín, 2024

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Figure 5. Large owners-managers of units on Airbnb in Medellín, 2024

Source: Own elaboration.

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Sociospatial centralization of Airbnb stock in Medellín

Fuente: Autoría propia

Housing, Labor, and Social Reproduction in Popular Urbanization.

City-Making and Sustaining Life[1]

Vivienda, trabajo y reproducción social en la urbanización popular.

Hacer ciudad y sostener la vida

Habitação, trabalho e reprodução social na urbanização popular.

Fazer cidade, sustentar a vida

Logement, travail et reproduction sociale dans l’urbanisation populaire.

Produire la ville, soutenir la vie

María del Pilar Isla

FAUD (UNMdP) – CONICET

mariadelpilarisla@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0009-0001-2197-9145

How to cite this article:

Isla, M. P. (2025). Housing, Labor, and Social Reproduction in Popular Urbanization. City-Making and Sustaining Life. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 35(III): -311.

https://doi.org/10.15446/bitacora.v35n3.122529

Recibido: 01/09/2025

Aprobado: 11/12/2025

ISSN electrónico 2027-145X. ISSN impreso 0124-7913. Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá

[1] This work is part of ongoing doctoral research funded by CONICET.

(3) 2025: -311

E_22_122529

Autor

Abstract

This article argues that the housing question in Latin America cannot be reduced to a housing deficit or technical parameters, but must instead be understood in its relationship to work and social reproduction. The theoretical approach draws on three fields: the Marxist tradition on housing and the urban question, feminist contributions on social reproduction and popular economies, and Latin American debates on popular urbanization. The analysis is organized around the central category of housing improvement strategies, addressing three analytical dimensions: the integration of productive and reproductive activities within the home; community networks and territorial disputes, and the relationship with public policies aimed at improving habitat conditions. The methodological strategy is qualitative and combines conceptual and empirical tools through the study of three housing trajectories in two low-income neighborhoods of Mar del Plata (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina). The findings allow us to move beyond the notion of informality and provide evidence that processes of popular urbanization are practices of space–time production in which the reproduction of life requires the everyday restoration of the material conditions of habitat.

Keywords: housing, labour, city, popular urbanization, social reproduction

Resumen

En este artículo se argumenta que la cuestión habitacional en América Latina no puede reducirse al déficit de vivienda ni a parámetros técnicos, sino que debe comprenderse en su vínculo con el trabajo y la reproducción social. El enfoque teórico se apoya en tres campos: la tradición marxista sobre vivienda y cuestión urbana, los aportes feministas sobre reproducción social y economías populares y los debates latinoamericanos en torno a la urbanización popular. El análisis se organiza en torno a la categoría central de estrategias de mejora habitacional, abordando tres dimensiones analíticas: la integración entre actividades productivas y reproductivas en la vivienda; las redes comunitarias y disputas territoriales; y el vínculo con políticas públicas de mejoramiento del hábitat. La estrategia metodológica es cualitativa y consiste en combinar herramientas conceptuales y empíricas a través del estudio de tres trayectorias habitacionales en dos barrios populares de Mar del Plata (Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina). Los resultados obtenidos permiten avanzar más allá de la noción de informalidad y aportan evidencia para sostener que los procesos de urbanización popular son prácticas de producción del espacio-tiempo donde la reproducción de la vida demanda una reposición cotidiana de las condiciones materiales del hábitat.

Palabras clave: vivienda, trabajo, ciudad, urbanización popular, reproducción social

Resumo

Este artigo sustenta que a questão habitacional na América Latina não pode ser reduzida ao déficit de moradia nem a parâmetros técnicos, mas deve ser compreendida em sua relação com o trabalho e a reprodução social. A abordagem teórica apoia-se em três campos: a tradição marxista sobre moradia e questão urbana, as contribuições feministas sobre reprodução social e economias populares, e os debates latino-americanos em torno da urbanização popular. A análise organiza-se em torno da categoria central de estratégias de melhoria habitacional, abordando três dimensões analíticas: a integração entre atividades produtivas e reprodutivas na moradia; as redes comunitárias e disputas territoriais, e a relação com políticas públicas de melhoria do habitat. A estratégia metodológica é qualitativa e consiste em combinar ferramentas conceituais e empíricas por meio do estudo de três trajetórias habitacionais em dois bairros populares de Mar del Plata (Província de Buenos Aires, Argentina). Os resultados obtidos permitem avançar para além da noção de informalidade e oferecem evidências de que os processos de urbanização popular são práticas de produção do espaço-tempo nas quais a reprodução da vida demanda uma reposição cotidiana das condições materiais do habitat.

Palavras-chave: moradia, trabalho, cidade, urbanização popular, reprodução social

Résumé

Cet article soutient que la question du logement en Amérique latine ne peut être réduite ni au déficit de logement ni à des paramètres techniques, mais qu’elle doit être comprise dans son lien avec le travail et la reproduction sociale. L’approche théorique s’appuie sur trois champs : la tradition marxiste portant sur le logement et la question urbaine, les apports féministes sur la reproduction sociale et les économies populaires, ainsi que les débats latino-américains autour de l’urbanisation populaire. L’analyse s’organise autour de la catégorie centrale des stratégies d’amélioration de l’habitat, en abordant trois dimensions analytiques : l’intégration entre activités productives et reproductives au sein du logement ; les réseaux communautaires et les conflits territoriaux, et le lien avec les politiques publiques de transformation de l’habitat. La stratégie méthodologique est qualitative et consiste à combiner des outils conceptuels et empiriques à partir de l’étude de trois trajectoires résidentielles dans deux quartiers populaires de Mar del Plata (Province de Buenos Aires, Argentine). Les résultats obtenus permettent d’aller au-delà de la notion d’informalité et montrent que les processus d’urbanisation populaire sont des pratiques de production de l’espace-temps dans lesquelles la reproduction de la vie exige une reconstitution quotidienne des conditions matérielles de l’habitat.

Mots-clés : logement, travail, ville, urbanisation populaire, reproduction sociale

Introduction

The housing issue, historically linked to the so-called 'social question', became an 'urban question' in a process of disciplinary specialization which, as Topalov (1990a) warns, tended to separate the analysis of urban space from the social structures that produce it. This shift towards a more technical and sectoral approach, reinforced by the institutionalization of urban planning and policy, has contributed to a fragmented approach to complex phenomena such as access to housing and the social production of habitat, diluting their political dimension and their links to the world of work and social reproduction. The dominant views of the urban planning discipline tend towards statist, technocratic, and mercantilist conceptions of space (Brenner, 2009), becoming trapped in dualistic views of the city (formal/informal, legal/illegal).

In Latin America, this dualism is particularly problematic, since the difficulty in accessing urbanized land, far from being an anomaly, is a widespread and persistent phenomenon in our cities (Jaramillo, 2021). The regulations that govern and restrict private property consider both those who cannot access property titles and those who, in the urbanization process, fail to comply with building regulations to be illegal/informal (Clichevsky, 2000). At the same time, however, it is the lack of state regulation that allows for the increase in speculative practices that make access to serviced land increasingly difficult and increase levels of informality. According to Smolka (as cited in Del Río, Gonzalez, 2019), Latin American cities are characterized by a high proportion of land with little or no coverage of services, facilities, and infrastructure, and high land prices in relation to their levels of income and development. This allows landowners to appropriate a differential rent resulting from the relative scarcity of urban land. It is insufficient to reduce the ways of living of urban majorities to the dominant conceptualizations that label them as ‘illegal’ or ‘informal’ because, on the one hand, there are numerous exceptions and transgressions of urban regulatory codes by real estate developments in collusion with local governments and, on the other hand, circumventing certain ambiguities is part of implicit social pacts that enable the existence of these sectors (The Urban Popular Economy Collective, 2022). Consequently, the notion of popular urbanization is adopted, understood as the practices carried out by the inhabitants of impoverished neighborhoods themselves in order to remedy, replace, and question the dispossession of public infrastructure (Gago, 2019). The premise guiding the analysis argues that the persistent housing problem in Latin America cannot be fully understood without considering its articulation with forms of work and processes of social reproduction. This allows us to shift the analysis from a focus exclusively on the housing deficit or the physical conditions of housing to an interpretation that understands it as part of a network of domestic, productive, and community strategies that sustain life. Thus, investigating this connection is key to revealing how families combine resources, spaces, and time devoted to both income generation and caregiving tasks and how these practices are intertwined with disputes over popular urbanization. From this perspective, the article argues that the housing improvement strategies developed in popular neighborhoods are based on productive-reproductive practices, and their analysis allows for a more complete understanding of popular urbanization, going beyond the deficit view and the formal/informal dualism.

In this sense, the theoretical coordinates that guide the analysis are constructed from the dialogue between three perspectives, which offer complementary conceptual tools for understanding the interweaving of housing, work, and social reproduction in popular urbanization. First, we return to the pioneering contributions of urban Marxism, which allow us to situate housing in relation to the processes of capital accumulation and the reproduction of the workforce. Next, the contributions of feminism and popular economies are incorporated, which have highlighted domestic and care work as a structural component for the reproduction of capital and have questioned the division between the productive and the reproductive by highlighting their interdependence, while emphasizing the diversity and centrality of productive strategies not exclusively subordinate to formal employment. Finally, Latin American debates on popular urbanization are revisited, particularly those related to strategies of self-production and self-management of housing and their relationship to public housing policies.

Theoretical Perspective

Housing and Urban Issues in the Classics

This section recovers the contributions of authors considered classics in urban studies, whose works —linked to the Marxist critical tradition— laid the foundations for understanding housing and the city as inseparable dimensions of social relations of production and the contradictions inherent in capitalism.

First, Friedrich Engels' Contribution to the Housing Question (2006 [1873]) is undoubtedly one of the first theoretical works to explicitly link material living conditions —and housing in particular— with the social organization of labor. It emerged from a series of articles in which he discussed with some of his contemporaries how to solve the housing problem of the proletarian sectors of the time. Engels did not approach the housing issue as a sectoral or merely technical problem, but as a structural manifestation of the contradictions of capitalism, inseparable from the logic of exploitation that organizes the production and reproduction of the workforce. In this sense, the text offers early conceptual tools, critiques of artifactual views of housing, and links the working conditions of what we would today call the working classes with specific urban dynamics.

Some of these concerns were taken up a century later by the French philosopher Henri Lefebvre, who advanced a Marxist theory of (social) space—and of the social relations that are produced in and by it. Thus, in The Production of Space, Lefebvre (2013 [1974]) raises the need for a unified theory of social practice space, which we could understand at some point as the radicalization of Engels' gesture in raising the impossibility of dissociating the issue of housing from working conditions and the capitalist mode of production. Although he does not explicitly address the problem of housing, his critique of the fragmentation and dissociation of time and space allows us to consider how the strategies of social reproduction that sustain everyday life are a constitutive part of the production of urban space and are a relevant analytical dimension.

Unlike Lefebvre, whose formulations are rooted in a philosophy of space, Manuel Castells approaches these problems from an urban sociology anchored in political economy. In The Urban Question (1999 [1972]), he presents housing as a condition for the reproduction of the workforce and as a collective consumer good whose provision requires state intervention, while also introducing a critique of planning as exclusively technical, revealing its political nature and placing housing at the intersection of social reproduction and state intervention.

Christian Topalov revisits these discussions by reviewing Marxist-inspired urban research in a work entitled Writing the History of Urban Research: The French Experience since 1965 (1990b). According to this author, research in the 1970s focused on urbanization, public policy, and social movements, but "as effects of structural dynamics, as processes without a subject" (Topalov, 1990b, p. 16), and "practices result from an interaction between the characteristics derived from the position of groups in the social structure and the external conditions that result from the logic of accumulation and state policies" (Topalov, 1990b, p. 16). He identifies that, as a critique of this, a series of studies have emerged that focus on the mediation between practices and conditions and the specificity of the individual, without losing sight of their class position.

Workers are no longer seen as a simple labor force, that is, from the point of view of their function for capital, but also as subjects who develop practices. These class practices do not necessarily take the form of collective action, because popular responses to situations are in principle every day and silent (Topalov, 1990b, p. 17).

Topalov points out that, although this new moment is based on overcoming the gaps left by previous structuralist theories, it does not achieve the theoretical density of its predecessors. In his words, rather than consolidating a robust explanatory framework, what we see is a "rehabilitation of empiricism in the form of an infinite description of singularities" (Topalov, 1990b, p. 17), which fragments the analysis and deprives it of critical generalization capacity. This raises an analytical problem of how to identify differential patterns that structure urban practices without reducing them to abstract determinisms or scattered singularities.

Contributions from the Feminist and Popular Economies Perspective

Marxist-oriented feminist literature offers key tools for identifying differential patterns —particularly gender patterns— that are not diluted into singularities or reduced to structural determinisms. These authors make relevant contributions to the conceptualization of social reproduction in its historical composition and in various reinterpretations of Marx, showing that the growth of the capitalist regime required institutionalizing the separation between production and reproduction on a specific gender basis. Nancy Fraser, in her article The Contradictions of Capital and Care (2020), explains that, on the one hand, social reproduction is one of the necessary conditions for the sustained accumulation of capital, but that, on the other hand, capitalism's orientation toward unlimited accumulation tends to destabilize the very processes of reproduction on which it is based, in what she calls the socio-reproductive contradiction of capitalism (Fraser, 2020). In addition, there are numerous studies documenting how the restructuring of global production relations under neoliberalism negatively affected the conditions of reproduction of the large social majorities, what many authors have called the "crisis of care" (Fraser, 2020). In Argentina in particular, the 2001 crisis was a turning point, when social movements, especially the unemployed workers' movement, took to the streets, raising "questions about work and the demand for a dignified life decoupled from the wage system" (Gago, 2021, p. 960), highlighted the undeniable role of women in the organization of collective spaces dedicated to the reproduction of life (Gago, 2019). Reproductive tasks were no longer relegated exclusively to the home, but were organized into a multiplicity of practices in public spaces such as neighborhoods, picket lines, marches, fairs, etc. Simultaneously, the growing lack of employment led large sectors of the population to devise new forms of self-management of the workforce, in what we now call popular economies. These economies do not simply represent a transitional landscape towards the restoration of traditional wage employment; rather, they have demonstrated persistence and consolidation over time and have exercised a "structuring power of the social in moments of decomposition of state authority" (Gago, 2016, p. 184). This raises the question of the scope of these intelligences and strategies deployed by urban popular sectors —in their domestic and community composition— and how they intersect with processes of popular urbanization.

Latin American Debates on Popular Urbanization

The perspective developed in this paper is based on a well-established tradition within Latin American urban studies, which for decades has questioned the focus on housing deficits and the formal/informal dichotomy. In Latin America, popular urbanization, understood as the set of practices of city-building carried out by the inhabitants themselves, has been the subject of much debate. A first line of analysis links the phenomenon of urban poverty with the dynamics of economic dependence on central countries, which structure the socio-spatial patterns of Latin American cities (Schteingart, 1973). Another major line of debate —widely developed by authors such as Turner and Pradilla— focused on the role of popular participation through self-construction, assuming the contradictions inherent in the model of capitalist production. However, there is broad consensus that this form of city production has reached a level of extension that has become a general characteristic of our cities. The concept of Social Production of Habitat has been widely disseminated in recent decades thanks to civil associations and international conferences linked to the theme of habitat. These are planned modalities whose promotion, management, and supervision come from actors outside the domestic units (Rodríguez et al., 2007). On the other hand, when the initiative, control, and construction remain in the hands of the inhabitants themselves, we are faced with processes of self-production and self-construction of habitat (Rodríguez et al., 2007). In this vein, the contributions of Pírez (2019) help us understand how the issue of housing and infrastructure is resolved in low-income sectors through practices of what he calls reverse urbanization, where the land is first inhabited —devoid of infrastructure, in precarious conditions and sometimes at environmental or water risk— is first occupied and then consolidated through successive processes of popular urbanization, where the stages of production and consumption coexist (Del Río et al., 2011).

Among these practices, Di Virgilio, Mejica, and Guevara (2012) identify four key dimensions in strategies for accessing land and housing: access to land, through direct occupation, informal purchase or sale, or transfer; access to housing, through self-construction, purchase or sale, or informal rentals of rooms; the ownership situation, marked by the absence of state regulation, the lack of titles or contracts, and the exhausting regularization processes faced by residents; and the evolution of the lot, based on the progressive modifications made to the plot —central to the analysis in this work. In turn, Di Virgilio (2011) characterizes family relationships and networks as a fundamental element on which the conditions of the habitat are structured, where strategies are developed to solve housing problems and resources from both social programs and access to public services are linked. In short, for the author, these networks operate as managers of social demands and the resolution of everyday problems, giving rise to collective and individual forms of everyday management (Di Virgilio, 2011).

The articulation of these three theoretical fields allows us to situate housing improvement strategies within a framework that combines productive, reproductive, community, and political-state dimensions. Figure 1 summarizes how these contributions are organized, distinguishing —for analytical purposes and without claiming to be exhaustive—the aspects on which each approach mainly focuses in order to construct the dimensions of analysis.

Methodological Strategy

The research develops a methodological strategy situated in the field of urban studies, which articulates conceptual and empirical tools to analyze the interrelationships between housing, work, and the reproduction of life. Housing improvement strategies are proposed as a central category and, based on the theoretical coordinates outlined in the previous section, three dimensions of analysis are constructed: integration of productive and reproductive activities in housing, community networks and territorial disputes, and articulation with public policies for habitat improvement. This work seeks to understand the role of productive, reproductive, and community activities in habitat improvement strategies within popular urbanization processes. These strategies are analyzed based on the housing trajectories of three women from two popular neighborhoods in the city of Mar del Plata (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina) (see Figure 2). To this end, a qualitative approach is adopted in line with that proposed by Sautu (2005), for whom this type of methodological strategy is appropriate for describing processes, considering the interaction between practices and context, while at the same time allowing the meanings in dispute to be captured. Semi-structured interviews, informal conversations within the framework of participant research, and photographic records were used. Based on this material, housing improvement strategies were graphically reconstructed by observing intralot transformations.

The fieldwork was carried out between 2021 and 2024, within the framework of the implementation of policies promoted by the National Secretariat for Socio-Urban Integration (hereinafter SISU–N) to guarantee access to basic infrastructure and community facilities for the more than 6,647 low-income neighborhoods in Argentina, where, according to ReNaBaP , nearly 1.2 million families live.

In the city of Mar del Plata, the group Science and Technology for Popular Housing (hereinafter CyTHaP) —in which this research is registered— provided social and technical support, coordinating with various institutional and neighborhood actors to implement these policies. The Caribe neighborhood, located in the northwestern part of the city, is newly formed and has a strong network of organized women who have pushed for access to water, electricity, waste collection, and security. The San Jacinto neighborhood, in the southern part of the city, is not a recent development, but the area has undergone a marked growth process in recent years, in which a community space linked to the Movement of Excluded Workers has gained relevance.

The selection of the three housing improvement trajectories was based on specific analytical criteria: that they be located in neighborhoods undergoing active urbanization and popular housing development, that they participate in neighborhood and community networks, and that they present different combinations of self-construction, use of housing space for productive activities, and coordination with public policies.

Results

In low-income neighborhoods, housing represents the life project in which the most effort and money is invested and whose specific temporality often involves long periods of incompleteness, subject to constant transformations and alterations (Caldeira, 2017). The limited economic resources available to many families in low-income neighborhoods are often mobilized to improve their housing as a search for stability and future progress.

The trajectories analyzed below allow us to observe how these dynamics of successive improvement unfold and intertwine different dimensions of everyday life, articulating processes of production and reproduction, the construction of community networks, the organization of territorial struggles, and the implementation of public policies.

Integration of Productive-Reproductive Activities in Housing

As feminist literature has pointed out, the reproductive role historically assigned to women has led them, in many cases, to reconcile productive, reproductive, and community responsibilities in the domestic sphere.

Laura, from the Caribe neighborhood, decided to start a community kitchen in her home, which at the time was still a wooden shack, after the pandemic began. In addition to providing food to many families in the neighborhood (more than 30 families, according to Laura's estimate), the kitchens play a central role in the organization of the daily reproduction of those who support them. Around 20 people work in her soup kitchen, with seven women being the most active, including her mother and daughter (see Figure 3), as well as some neighbors who are also related to each other. These dynamics show a strong female presence and forms of intergenerational cooperation around the organization of care. In parallel with this activity, and within the framework of a public policy for neighborhood improvement, Laura's partner allocated a portion of their land to set up a production center for wooden trash bins, which were then placed at the entrance of all the homes in the neighborhood.

In the case of Julia, from the San Jacinto neighborhood, her sister's political involvement as a leader in the MTE enabled her and her partner to join a worker cooperative and participate in a housing improvement program financed by the Inter-American Development Bank. She started as an assistant, but since she had no one to take care of her children, the organization agreed that she could work as a storekeeper —a person in charge of controlling the tools and machinery used for the work— in a workshop built on her own lot. This transformed her home into a space where productive and reproductive activities are coordinated, creating what Gago describes as a space “where production and reproduction merge” (Gago, 2014, p. 52).

Community Networks and Territorial Struggles

In the cases analyzed, the first step in their housing strategies was residential mobility to cities or neighborhoods with better conditions for access to land. The working-class neighborhoods of Mar del Plata tend to have populations from other provinces or from the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. Such is the case of Julia, who decided to move with her family from a slum in the City of Buenos Aires to the San Jacinto neighborhood, motivated by overcrowding and supported by previously established social and family networks (Hinojosa Gordonava, 2019). These networks reduce travel costs, improve job opportunities, and facilitate settlement (Sassen, 1993, 2007, as cited in Hinojosa Gordonava, 2019).

Similarly, internal mobility between neighborhoods also responds to the availability of vacant land and family situations. Laura, for example, moved from a neighborhood in the northern part of the city to Caribe, where her eldest daughter and mother also settled, forming a network of co-residence and care.

I had lost my home and was living with my brother, and well, there were a lot of us. I was separated with my two daughters, and this land came up. My brother was going to live here too, but then he didn't like it because there was no electricity, no water, nothing. So, I moved here alone because I had no other choice. So, I bought it as best I could, I paid for it [...] I already had the shed to come and put it up here. (Interview with Laura, 2023)

In addition to Laura's partner and younger daughters, her eldest daughter and her family also settled on the same plot of land: "And behind it, I gave a piece of land to my daughter, who was renting and spending a lot on rent. She came with her husband and my grandson more than two years ago" (Interview with Laura, 2023).

Sometime later, her mother also moved there because she had health problems and needed care, and later, her other daughter moved in with her family. In this way, we can see how family networks generate dynamics that reconfigure the use of the plot and the organization of the dwelling (see Figure 3).

As Hinojosa Gordonava (2019) points out, social networks have an impact on all areas of social reproduction in communities, promoting social, cultural, economic, and political activities. In the cases analyzed, these networks take the form of community spaces located within or next to the homes mentioned above, which play a key role in neighborhood organization, the circulation of information, and coordination with public policies.

In this context, Laura's participation in the MTE, associated with her community kitchen, leads her to attend regular meetings with workers from other kitchens in what they call the 'terri', expanding her networks and organizational links beyond her own neighborhood.

In Julia's case, the MTE community space is located next to her home, where she has participated in the development of an experimental vegetable garden and nursery for the entire neighborhood with the support of a research group.

In Sandra's case —from the Caribe neighborhood— her home serves as a neighborhood dining room and community space where educational activities, celebrations, and health workshops are held. From there, she has spearheaded multiple territorial struggles: collective demands for access to water, electricity, street improvements, among others. Her home is also a meeting and coordination hub where collective strategies are developed to address neighborhood problems (see Figure 4), such as the conflict with the natural gas distribution company Camuzzi, when it imposed a measure that halted the works financed by SISU-N due to their proximity to one of its gas branches.

Finally, in both Laura's and Julia's cases, one can see that, in a short time, these women managed to build strong social networks which, through individual, family, and community strategies, enabled them to promote improvements in their homes and in the neighborhood.

Coordination with Public Policies for Habitat Improvement

During the fieldwork (2021-2024), various projects were carried out in both neighborhoods, financed by SISU-N, which introduced infrastructural improvements to the neighborhood. In the Caribe neighborhood, residential water tanks, indoor electrical connections, sidewalks, public trees, waste collection bins, a playground with children's equipment, and 20 wet units (bathroom and kitchen units integrated into existing homes) were built. Since the community role they played in the neighborhood was considered in the selection of beneficiaries, both Sandra and Laura benefited from a wet unit. This made it possible to separate the spaces linked to housing from community activities. In turn, both were selected in the program Mi Pieza ; Sandra used that money to build a new room and Laura to complete an unfinished room.

In San Jacinto, a housing improvement program financed by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) through SISU-N was implemented. With this improvement program, Julia ‘wrapped’ the wooden shack where she lived with bricks (see Figure 5). She was also selected in the Mi Pieza Program, which enabled her to start an expansion project and, by combining both policies, aspire to a more complete improvement of her home.

It should be noted that the withdrawal of these policies leads families to deploy other types of strategies, among which it is common to take on debt to complete and improve their homes, and in times of greater crisis, this shifts to non-durable goods such as food. In the case of Sandra, whose home is shared by 11 people, she has resorted to this on several occasions.

In the end, I took out a loan. Now I've taken out another one to renovate. I want to do the floor in my room. Always loans to build. I must have taken out between five and six, some from ANSES and others from Efectivo sí . (Interview with Sandra, 2023)

Loans from private companies tend to have high interest rates and, even so, are very low amounts in relation to the actual costs of construction materials. Sheet metal, for example, is a particularly expensive input and, at the same time, indispensable for preventing water leaks in roofs. Limited financial resources often lead to inadequate construction solutions —such as installing sheet metal without a proper wooden or metal support structure— which perpetuates precarious housing conditions. These solutions are not only insufficient to improve housing, but can also pose additional risks, from possible collapses to exposure to strong winds that can tear off roofs. Thus, we see how housing, as a node of productive-reproductive and community articulation, is also subject to interference from financial devices that find potential opportunities for capture there (Cavallero and Gago, 2022).

Conclusions

Popular Urbanization as a Productive-Reproductive Technology

After analyzing some experiences of housing and public infrastructure improvement in two popular neighborhoods in the city of Mar del Plata, we can affirm that the different strategies carried out to improve individual/family reproduction conditions find points of feedback with collective community processes. In the course of this work, we have seen how the boundaries between the productive and the reproductive are blurred in both housing and the neighborhood. The replacement of common public infrastructure and progressive housing processes are interlinked and unfold over long periods of inconclusiveness. But the capacity to develop these processes, as proposed by the Urban Popular Economy Collective, "lies in the fact that they are produced through forms of collectivity based on shared opportunity and ingenuity, rather than on organized forms of collective action" (The Urban Popular Economy Collective, 2022, p. 1).

Ensuring the conditions for reproduction places an exponential burden on working-class neighborhoods, ranging from maintaining the functioning of the household to the condition of housing and the improvement of basic service infrastructure. This enormous unpaid workload often forces women to resort to loans with highly unfavorable interest rates.

Finally, it should be noted that the cases studied show that these women are highly recognized at the neighborhood level and in the networks in which they participate locally. They are listened to by officials and the media and demonstrate strong leadership in carrying out struggles. This confirms that, although the work they do in terms of reproduction is unpaid, it has significant symbolic weight in the neighborhood and in society in general. It is in the popular economies where they find the right place to combine the enormous burden of social reproduction tasks with other forms of work.

The experience of these three women living in the Caribe and San Jacinto neighborhoods shows that housing is not only a physical object subject to progressive improvements, but also a hub that articulates productive and reproductive activities and is linked to community networks and territorial struggles. In these neighborhoods, women transform the domestic space into a workshop, dining room, workroom, or community center, creating a fabric that transcends the conventional categories of "work" and "home."

Returning to Topalov (1990b), although the analysis is based on empirical evidence, an attempt has been made to avoid a mere fragmentary description, seeking to articulate the cases with conceptual frameworks that contribute to a critical understanding of popular urbanization and its disputes with hegemonic models of the city.

The cases analyzed allow us to return to the initial question and provide insights into understanding that the housing problem in Latin America cannot be understood in isolation from working conditions and social reproduction. The fragmented view that predominates in policies and in much of urban studies —anchored in technocratic and dualistic visions of space— leaves out the everyday processes through which families produce and reproduce their habitat. Furthermore, it is evident that the reproduction of life in contexts of public infrastructure deprivation and critical housing conditions assumes a practical indistinction between everyday household tasks and the constant and gradual improvement of the habitat.

In this way, popular urbanization is not only a form of informal access to land, but also a complex practice that challenges the meaning of the city and the right to habitat. Recognizing this articulation implies, on the one hand, restoring the political dimension of the housing issue and, on the other, questioning the disciplinary boundaries that have contributed to its invisibility.

In this sense, the notion of popular urbanization as a productive-reproductive technology is taken up again to refer to a process that is not limited to access to land, but integrates domestic, community, and paid work into the same socio-spatial fabric. This category allows us to understand that the production of the city by popular sectors is not only a response to the lack of formal housing, but also a complex form of social organization that articulates the reproduction of life with the material production of habitat.

This challenges the disciplinary boundaries that reduce housing to its physical dimension and brings to the fore its role as a social and economic infrastructure, produced collectively and sustained through practices that go beyond the classic categories of the urban and the domestic.

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María del Pilar Isla

Architect from the Faculty of Architecture, Urbanism, and Design at the National University of Mar del Plata (FAUD-UNMdP). PhD candidate in the Urban Studies Program at the National University of General Sarmiento (UNGS). Doctoral fellow at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), working at the Institute for Research in Urban Development, Technology, and Housing (FAUD-UNMdP).

Autor

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Housing, Labor, and Social Reproduction in Popular Urbanization.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

City-Making and Sustaining Life

The premise guiding the analysis argues that the persistent housing problem in Latin America cannot be fully understood without considering its ar­ticulation with forms of work and processes of social reproduction. This allows us to shift the analysis from a focus exclusively on the housing deficit or the physical conditions of housing to an interpretation that un­derstands it as part of a network of domestic, productive, and commu­nity strategies that sustain life.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

City-Making and Sustaining Life

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Figure 1. Theoretical-analytical articulation diagram

Source: Own elaboration.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Figure 2. Caribe and San Jacinto neighborhoods

Source: Prepared by the authors based on MGP and RENABAP.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Figure 3. Laura's intralot trajectory - Photograph of the dining room and its workers

Source: Own elaboration. CyTHaP archive photograph.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Figure 4. Sandra's intralot trajectory. Neighborhood meeting on access to water

Source: Own elaboration. CyTHaP archive photograph.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

Figure 5. Julia's intralot trajectory - Image of the envelope improvement process

Source: Own elaboration. Personal archive.

City-Making and Sustaining Life

City-Making and Sustaining Life

City-Making and Sustaining Life