English Language Teaching in
Colombia: A Necessary Paradigm Shift[1]
Enseñanza del inglés en Colombia: un cambio necesario de paradigma
Damien Le Gal
damien.legal@usbmed.edu.co
Ph.D. in Sociolinguistics and Language Teaching
Assistant Professor in the Language School
Universidad San Buenaventura.
Medellín, Colombia
Recibido: 01 de julio de 2018
Aprobado:
29 de enero de 2019
Abstract
In
a first step, this article presents a reflection on the current state of the
teaching of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) in Colombia. Analysing teachers' certification and teacher training,
methodologies, language policies, and materials used, the text discusses how
these processes essentially rely on technology importation. In a second step,
the article introduces the sociocritical approach (SA), a recent development in
Foreign Language Teaching which would contribute to the aforementioned issue
since SA implies a shift in current policies from a private to a public
orientation, from a top-down to a bottom-up approach in order to implement a
context-based and adapted English Language Teaching (ELT) in Colombia.
Keywords:
Colombia, context-based English learning, English as a Foreign Language,
English Language Teaching, linguistic policy, sociocritical approach
Resumen
En primera instancia, este artículo presenta una
reflexión sobre el estado de la enseñanza del inglés como lengua extranjera en
Colombia. A través del análisis de las certificaciones y formaciones de
docentes, las metodologías, las políticas lingüísticas y los materiales usados,
el texto discute cómo estos procesos dependen esencialmente de importaciones
tecnológicas. En segundo lugar, el artículo presenta el abordaje socio-crítico,
un desarrollo reciente en el área de lenguas extranjeras que podría resolver el
problema de las importaciones tecnológicas dado que este abordaje implica
cambiar las políticas actuales de una orientación privada a pública, de un
enfoque "arriba-abajo" a "abajo-arriba" para implementar un abordaje del Inglés
como lengua extranjera basado en el contexto local colombiano.
Palabras
claves: Colombia, aprendizaje contextualizado del
inglés, inglés como lengua extranjera, enseñanza del inglés, políticas lingüísticas,
abordaje socio-crítico
Cómo citar este artículo:
APA Le Gal, D.
(2018). Enseñanza del inglés en Colombia: un necesario cambio de paradigma.
Matices en Lenguas Extranjeras, 0(12).
MLA Le Gal,
Damien. "Enseñanza del inglés en Colombia: un necesario cambio de
paradigma." Matices en Lenguas Extranjeras [En línea], 0.12 (2018): s. p.
Web. 16 ene. 2020
CBE Le Gal, D.
2018 ene 1. Enseñanza del inglés en Colombia: un necesario cambio de paradigma.
Matices en Lenguas Extranjeras. [En
línea] 0:12
Regardless
of the context, ELT is never a mere pedagogic and technological activity
detached from its environment, but a complex phenomenon intertwined with
sociopolitical and sociocultural
issues.
In a first step, this article
presents a reflection on the current state of the teaching of English as a
Foreign Language (EFL) in Colombia. Analysing teachers' certification and
teacher training, methodologies, language policies, and materials used, the
text discusses how these processes essentially rely on technology importation.
In a second step, the article introduces the sociocritical approach (SA), a
recent development in Foreign Language Teaching which would contribute to the
aforementioned issue since SA implies a shift in current policies from a
private to a public orientation, from a top-down to a bottom-up approach in
order to implement a context-based and adapted English Language Teaching (ELT)
in Colombia.
In this paper the current situation
of ELT in Colombia will be discussed from such a critical perspective to
emphasize its unhealthy dependency on foreign technologies and expertise. The
issue has already been the object of various critical studies (González, 2007,
2009; De Mejía, 2005; Usma, 2009a, 2009b; Valencia, 2013) which all acknowledge
the foreign influence in different aspects of the ELT process: González
regarding teacher training (2007, see also Clavijo-Olarte, 2007) and
certifications (2009), Usma (2009a, 2009b) and others (Ayala & Alvarez,
2005; De Mejía, 2005; González, 2007; Guerrero, 2008, 2010; Sánchez &
Obando, 2008; Valencia, 2013) about linguistic policies and methodologies. This
text synthesizes these contributions and addresses the issue of pedagogic
materials, showing how ELT in Colombia can be deemed to fall under "technology
importation" (Holliday, 1994). This expression —in the broad sense of
"technology" — refers to institutions and agents relying on imported
technical knowledge, methodologies and skills in order to achieve local
processes. Indeed, the major elements of ELT in Colombia (methodologies,
teachers training, curriculum, and materials) originate primarily from NABA
(North America, Britain, Australia, and especially the U.S. and U.K.) and
Europe with the Common European Framework
of Reference for Languages (Council of Europe, 2005). Based on a literature
review and on his experience as a foreign researcher, English instructor and
teacher trainer in different Colombian institutions for five years, the author
will discuss the rationale underlying this dependency situation and introduce a
Sociocritical Approach (SA) to shift the paradigm.
The importation of technological
resources for ELT
The
Colombian dependency situation regarding teacher training and certification,
methodologies, linguistic policies and materials will now be addressed.
Imported
teacher certification and teacher training
In 2006, the Colombian Ministry of
Education, in collaboration with the British Council, instituted the "Basic
Standards of Competence in Foreign Languages: English" (Estándares Básicos en Competencias en Lenguas Extranjeras: Inglés),
(British Council, 2015). In line with the Common
European Framework, these new linguistic standards determined that by 2019,
teachers of primary and secondary education should possess a B2 English level
while students should leave colegios
with a B1 competence (Ministerio de
Educación, 2017a, 2017b; British Council, 2015). While such action can be
deemed adequate, the primary economic beneficiaries are the multinational
corporations providing the tests. Indeed, Colombia, like other Latin American
countries such as Mexico (Mora, Trejo & Roux, 2014), has not developed its
own national certificates to assess teachers' knowledge of English.
Institutions therefore require EFL teachers and candidates to take expensive
international exams such as IELTS, Cambridge University exams or a TOEFL of the
Educational Testing Service. Teachers with a low proficiency are then pushed
towards training courses designed by the British Council and Cambridge
University.
Likewise, the Ministry of Education,
with the purpose of improving (future) English instructors' teaching
skills, has imported models of teacher certification such as the In-service Certificate in English Language
Teaching (ICELT) and the Teaching Knowledge Test (TKT) awarded by the University of
Cambridge (González, 2009). These evaluations are mandatory for all English
teachers who wish to certify their teaching ability regardless of their
academic training. This questionable measure has been proposed by a foreign
agency—the British Council—in order to have all Colombian teachers of English
be tested for their proficiency level with the tests designed exclusively by
Cambridge University. The option is unfortunate since ICELT and TKT then
operate as additional and alternative certifications for teachers, rendering
universities' bachelors' degrees dispensable (González, 2009) and
discrediting them. Indeed, international corporate tests, with their
established reputation, reliability and accountability, have a higher profile
on the labor market in the eyes of the employers. Ramírez Ospina (2012) shows how
Colombian directors and executives of private English institutes tend to rely
more on foreign certifications than on university degrees they distrust. This
phenomenon should be examined in the light of the low linguistic and
pedagogical level of many ELT graduates, especially those coming from specific
private universities and colleges: in the private sector, many teachers remain
below the B1 level (British Council, 2015, p. 22).
Entrusting overseas companies with
national assessment constitutes a patent example of technology
importation. Empowering corporations
also marks a "marketization" and "businessification of education" (González,
2009, p. 183, 194; McLaren, Martin, Farahmandpur & Jaramillo, 2004), also labelled
"edu-business" (Hill, 2006, p. 6) and "corporatization" (Hadley, 2014, p. 208).
"Businessification" refers to the global tendency observed in Colombia and many
other contexts in which education becomes a for-profit activity adopted by
corporations. "Corporatization" suits the aforementioned practices of the
Colombian Ministry of Education and points at the emulation by educational
institutions of practices and organizational cultures of service and
manufacturing industries, such as reducing the costs at all levels (with
multiple choice exams) or "managing" teachers so that they generate more
benefits.
Drawing on an analysis of licensing
examinations in ten countries, Libman (2009, p. 7) contends that licensing and
certification systems "generally exist where the graduates of training programs
are considered problematic as far as quality is concerned". This is evidenced
in Colombia where the decision to adopt international certifications stems from
the fact that the English proficiency, the methodologies used by Colombian
graduates and the local universities are not considered satisfactory by the
Ministry of Education which therefore endorses an international organization
such as the British Council (González, 2009). In that sense, the literature
offers consistent arguments in favor of teacher licensing examinations: Libman
(2009), sums up that, with their standards, licensing examinations emphasize
the essential goals of teaching, set a clear route for teachers—especially
novices—by defining what is expected of them and making them aware of what they
need to improve. As they represent an additional barrier on the path of
prospective teachers, licensing examinations limits the selection to the best
candidates, thus raising the level in the profession. Also, examinations are
motivational as they exert pressure on candidates and foster professional
discourse in the community of educators, contributing to creating a common
language, "sharing ideas, building consensus, and strengthening professional
identity" (Libman, 2009, p. 9).
On the other hand, Libman
counter-argues that licensing examinations, in their search for efficiency and
free competition in the academic market, set up a clear marketization of
education, which is by no means neutral. Corporations have been tasked to
evaluate Colombian teachers' pedagogic skills, a usually not-for-profit
activity traditionally assumed by universities. Secondly, it is difficult to
clearly define and measure the skills required of a novice teacher to ensure
the quality of his/her teaching. Thirdly, the discourse on teachers'
competence distracts attention from the need to improve the school system as a
whole (Libman, 2009, p. 10).
Likewise, the last bilingualism
government plan Colombia Very Well
2015-2025 (Ministerio de Educación,
2017a, 2017b) entrusts private companies such as the British Council (2016) and
Cambridge University Press for the training of Colombian teachers instead of
empowering public universities (González, 2009). This option should be
questioned in the light of Canagarajah's thesis (2009) that adaptation and
relevance problems will arise when a methodology developed in a given context
is transplanted into another without being duly adapted to local specificities
and that—as the book's title goes—decision-makers need to "reclaim the
local in language policy and practice". For example, Halbach's study
(2003) showed how the reflective approach to teacher training provided mixed
results in an undergraduate ELT methodology course in Spain. She urges those
who design teachers training programs to pay attention to cultural and personal
factors as well as students' educational background (Halbach, 2003). This
implies challenging the idea of "methodology exportation" and carefully
analyzing the context to evaluate whether or not, and to which extent, a
technology can be imported. For example, autonomous learning may be suitable
for Western societies while facing numerous problems in Eastern cultures.
Finally, these tests and trainings
represent a hefty load for Colombian teachers, especially for those at the
beginning of their career, because of their high costs (Usma, 2009a). A person
on the Colombian minimum wage would require a full month of work to pay for the
IELTS test and two months to pay for the course.
González (2007, p. 327), drawing on
a study of Colombian teachers' professional development model conveyed in
the last national program Colombia
Bilingüe, considers that this model "is a representation of colonial,
traditional, and central discourses in ELT". Indeed, Colombia Bilingüe, designed in association with the British
Council—a center institution here working in a peripheral context—advocates the
superiority of the native speaker and favors British English (a prestigious
variety of the inner circle [Kachru, 1982], i.e. the countries whose
inhabitants have English as their first language) over Colombian and
International English through textbooks, tests and test preparation guides
produced by British publishers and authors (González, 2007). This linguistic
policy fosters linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 1992) since it adheres to
"power and colonial discourses that perpetuate the dominant status of the
culture and speakers of English" (González, 2010, p. 338; see also Canagarajah
1999a; Pennycook 1994, 1997, 1998, 2001).
By entrusting the British Council
with teacher training and linguistic policy, the Colombian government missed
the opportunity to take ownership of its educational system by a long-term
investment in its local community of ELT scholars and language teaching specialists.
It also leaves aside the valuable local knowledge—vital for the success of any
policy—of national academics who could competently have developed teacher
training programs (González, 2007), thus strengthening their competences in the
matter had they been tasked. All the more so as universities, especially
public, have traditionally been the institutions in charge of teachers'
professional development, conducting local studies and developing
inter-institutional networks such as the COFE
project (Colombian Framework for
English) (Rubiano, Frodden & Cardona, 2000), which led to
systematization of successful experiences (González, 2007, p. 315).
Imported
methodologies
From its beginnings, ELT in
Colombia, as in a large majority of developing countries, has relied on foreign
methodologies: Grammar-Translation Approach, Audiolingual Approach, Direct
Method, Communicative Approach, Task-Based Language Learning and Teaching have
all been successively adopted without any real contextualization. While on one
hand it definitely makes sense to take advantage of the latest developments,
theories and research in the field to help build more modern and efficient
teaching and learning practices, contextual (sociological, technological,
sociocultural) specificities should be placed at the forefront at the time of
importing methodologies. As contended by important authors on the basis of
their work in a variety of contexts (Bax, 2004; Blanchet & Chardenet, 2011;
Canagarajah, 2009; Jarvis & Atsilarat, 2004; Holliday, 1994; Kumaravadivelu,
2003, 2006), imported technologies have to be mediated in light of
environmental parameters and especially of sociocultural factors, as
extensively discussed in the literature (Byram & Grundy, 2003; Byram &
Risager, 1999; Cortazzi & Jin, 1999; Hinkel, 1999, 2005; Kramsch, 1995,
2008; Lantolf & Thorne, 2006; Lantolf, 2000). Socio-economic (Grin, 2008)
and psychological aspects (Gardner, 1985; Williams & Burden, 2003) should
also be analyzed and taken into account. For example, it is a lot harder to
work within a Task-Based Learning or communicative framework when there are
forty learners per classroom as is the case in many Colombian public schools.
How can teachers rely on audio and video resources when the school does not
have the corresponding equipment?
Also, as Holliday (1994, p. 12)
emphasized, ELT methodologies are based on research conducted in NABA.
Therefore, Colombian educational institutions should not just adopt foreign
methodologies but adapt, contextualize them or, better, develop their own
methodology based on local research and context analysis.
Linguistic
policies under foreign influence
Various language education policies
such as the 1982 Programa de Inglés
(English Syllabus), the 1994 Ley General
de Education (General Law of Education), the 1997 Proyecto Educativo Institucional (Institutional Educational
Project), the 1999 Indicadores de Logros
(Attainment Targets), and the 2000 Revolución
Educativa (Educational Revolution) were issued to improve ELT in Colombia
(Valencia, 2006). These linguistic policies intended to implement foreign
frameworks and theories (Task-Based Language Learning, the Common European
Framework) and to rely on international cooperation. Valencia (2006, p. 13)
concluded that these policies "have not produced the changes expected".
The most recent policy, the National
Bilingual Program (NBP, Programa Nacional
de Bilingüismo, Colombia 2004-2019, Ministerio de Educación, 2017a, 2017b,
2017c, renamed the Foreign Languages Competencies Development Program in 2012 [Proyecto de Fortalecimiento al Desarrollo de
Competencias en Lenguas Extranjeras, PFDCLE] to acknowledge Colombia's
de
facto bilingualism: the country counts 60 indigenous languages, along with
Creole and Spanish) has been elaborated in cooperation with the British
Council, which greatly benefits from the resulting sales of tests, pedagogic
materials and courses. With its limitations and implications, the PFDCLE has
attracted important criticism. Negative reviews came from academics (Cárdenas &
Miranda, 2014; De Mejía, 2005; González, 2007; Guerrero, 2008, 2010; Sánchez
& Obando, 2008; Usma, 2009a, 2009b) as well as from "the public sphere"
which comprises learners, parents and all the stakeholders who do not possess
any specialized knowledge or training in second language education (SLE).
Valencia (2013), relying on the expression "manufacture of consent" used by
Herman and Chomsky (1988, p. 306) to explain how media are used to fabricate
public opinion in favor of "the political requirements of social order" (p.
xi), argues that the PFDCLE generated an inclination towards international
intervention in Colombia.
Foreign influence can also be
identified in the adoption of the Common
European Framework as the guiding norm for the NBP reform (Usma, 2009a;
Valencia, 2013). The framework, regardless of its qualities, has been most
specifically designed for the European context, which led Ayala and Alvarez
(2005) to argue that the important differences between Colombia and Europe make
the CEFR implementation a complex task.
Another problematic aspect of NBP
stressed by González (2007, 2009) is the focus on tests for students (Prueba de Estado and ECAES exams [Ministerio de Educación, 2017]) which
entails an examination-driven nature of the teaching. Instructors have to
"teach the test" since exam results are institutionally conceived of as the
evaluation that counts most. Shohamy (2001) has shown that in most contexts the
focus on tests is prejudicial to the whole teaching and learning process.
Finally, NBP also relies on a global
discourse about bilingualism, presenting it as an ultimate component of
competitiveness for the labor market (Usma, 2009a) when the claim has
consistently been challenged (Valencia, 2013). English is almost uniquely
presented as a mean to access wonders, at expense of cognitive and
sociocultural rationales. Relying on ideological assumptions, NBP reduced
bilingualism to the knowledge of Spanish and English (Guerrero, 2008; Valencia,
2013), the latter mythically conceived of as a somewhat unique gateway to
employment opportunities and a better life, not accounting for the fact that
its popularity makes competition fiercer between learners.
Imported
materials
ELT textbooks hold a vital
importance in second language classrooms all over the world (Harwood, 2014;
Richards, 2005). On a general basis, textbooks can be classified in two types:
generalists or "global" (Freeman, 2014; Tomlinson, 1998, 2008) and specific or
"local". In the first case, one edition is distributed in many different
countries, disregarding learners and contextual differences (Le Gal, 2013b,
2016). Local textbooks, usually produced by a national publisher in
collaboration with a city, a region, state or a country's government, have
been designed for a specific context and audience.
Regarding the ELT materials used in
Colombia, the trend towards importation is also to be observed although
progress—with the edition of local textbooks—has to be acknowledged. Following
the businessification and corporatization of ELT described earlier, most of the
textbooks (no figures could be retrieved) used in Colombia are "global
textbooks" edited in the U.S. and Great Britain by major publishers. It is
indeed the type of material favored by private institutions, which hold a significant
share of the Colombian ELT market. Global textbooks can also be found in some
public universities. In spite of their editorial quality these textbooks are
first and foremost commercial products that have not been "written for learners
from a particular culture or country but intended for use by any class of
learners in the specified level and age group anywhere in the world"
(Tomlinson, 1998, x). Therefore, they are not adapted to Colombian learners'
linguistic (syntactic, morphological), phonetic (phonologic), pragmatic, and
sociocultural specific needs. Studies in other contexts have affirmed these
pedagogic shortcomings of global textbooks' (Le Gal, 2016; Tomlinson,
2008; Boriboon, 2004), such as the lack of adaptation of linguistic and
communicative contents, lack of sociocultural adaptation (Gray, 2013; Lee &
Park, 2008), particularly to the local "culture of learning" (Cortazzi &
Jin, 1999).
Regarding linguistic competence,
global textbooks do not address cross-linguistic differences (Courtillon, 2003)
and the difficulties that spring from them, such as not integrating works about
linguistic contrast and interlanguage (Vogel, 1995). For example, local
textbooks should rely on similarities between Spanish and English to help
students understand certain structures, while stressing certain differences
(for e.g. regarding prepositions values and use, or the adjective positions)
will help learners to avoid future mistakes.
Regarding phonetics, for any
learner, pronouncing phonemes that do not exist in one's mother tongue is
difficult and requires specific work. A textbook that has not been designed
specifically for Spanish speakers will not be able to tackle their difficulties
with English pronunciation whereas a local textbook can address these through tailor-designed
activities. Spanish speakers have difficulties with the "th" sounds and the
seven extra vowel sounds (English has twelve vowel sounds whereas Spanish has
five [Bradlow, 1995; Sun-Alperin & Wang, 2008]). On a sociocultural plan,
as shown in another study (Le Gal, 2016), various foreign textbooks' offer
contents which do not match Colombian—especially young—learners' interests
as they refer to sports and activities (paragliding, hockey in the first draft
of English Please! [Ministerio de Educación, 2016]) or
present a European family model distant to Colombian public high school
learners' reality as in World Link 1
(Stempleski, 2010).
There is therefore a need in
Colombia to invest in locally-designed materials and initiatives such as You too! 3, English Textbook (Gomez
Rodriguez, 2009) designed at the Universidad
Pedagogical Nacional or Breaking
through (Ramos Holguin, 2007) elaborated in the Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, which should be
supported by the Ministry of Education to reach a higher editorial quality.
Recently, this institution, through its national program Colombia Very Well (Ministerio
de Educación, 2017a, 2017b) and in collaboration with the British Council,
has edited English Please! (Ministerio de Educación, 2016). The
textbook is available online for free and is context-based to suit Colombian
learners' needs and interests. Teachers' feedbacks seem positive.
Imported "teachers"
In 2015, within the framework of the
last ELT policy Colombia Bilingüe
2015-2018 and the English Teaching
Fellowship program of the Colombian Ministry of Education, 124 foreigners
arrived in Colombia (124 extranjeros llegan a Colombia, 2015) to co-teach in 71
colegios of different townships
across the country for the benefit of 30,240 students of 9th, 10th, and 11th
grades. In 2016, 600 arrived (Aroca, 2016).
Although the Ministry repeatedly
advertises the arrival of "native teachers", only some of the instructors are
actually native English speakers and few of those have qualifications (the
author personally met participants to the program). The majority are non-native
English speakers with an advanced level of proficiency in English. While
welcoming foreigners is a great opportunity for cultural exchange and will
certainly help improve students' and teachers' English skills, it is
hard not to question the way public money is spent. Indeed, the program seems
to stem from the still lively "native speaker fallacy" (Phillipson, 1992;
Canagarajah, 1999b) which positions native speakers as the reference and objective
for learners and teachers.
Acknowledging the generally low
linguistic and pedagogic levels (with great variations) of English teachers
graduated from Colombian universities, it would appear more relevant to invest
public funds in improving current teachers training programs as well as
financing some training for in-service teachers who need professional updating.
The initiative to bring foreigners—who will generally stay less than a year—to
enhance ELT in Colombia is more an ephemeral initiative which better serves
public communication purposes than as an effective and sustainable action to
improve ELT in the country.
To conclude, these "technology importation"
at all levels of the ELT process have weak didactic justification; they are
more likely to be understood from an economic (liberalism, corporatization of
ELT) and hegemonic discourse perspective (dominance of native speaker and
central methodologies of the inner circle countries in peripheral classrooms
[Canagarajah, 2001]). A paradigm shift is therefore necessary.
Shifting
paradigm: Adopting a Sociocritical Approach
In face of the Colombian dependence
situation, the Sociocritical Approach (SA) appears well suited to contextualize
and localize ELT in the country. Recently developed in the field of French as a
Foreign Language (Blanchet & Chardenet, 2011; Blanchet, Moore &
Asselah-Rahal, 2008; Cortier, 2009; Cortier & Puren, 2008; Le Gal, 2011,
2012, 2013a; Rispail, 2003a, 2003b, 2006; Rispail & Blanchet, 2011), it is
indeed a non-hegemonic, bottom-up, context-based approach to language teaching
and learning which is prone to provide solutions to Colombia's dependency
on foreign technologies.
Introducing
the Sociocritical Approach
Although it has been elaborated in
the field of French, SA's principles are not bounded to this domain and
can relevantly contribute to other language teaching and learning situations.
According to the two main orientations of Second Language Acquisition research
identified by Firth and Wagner (1997): cognitive/individual and
"social-anthropological", SA resolutely belongs to the latter. It is also
completely consistent with ELT's context-based approach (Bax, 2004;
Canagarajah, 2009; Kumaravadivelu, 2012, 2003, 2006), critical applied
linguistics (Pennycook, 2001) and sociocultural approach (Kramsch, 1995, 2008;
Lantolf, 2000; Lantolf & Thorne, 2006).
Possibly the most defining feature
of SA is its focus on and connection with the context. Within SA, language
teaching and learning design is seen as stemming from an ecological
analysis/perspective (Pallotti, 2002 drawn from Bronfenbrenner, 1979) which
takes into consideration the parameters it considers the most impacting on the
language acquisition process. The sociolinguistic, socio-economic, political,
institutional, sociocultural and psychological parameters are conceived as the
most determinant of Second Language Acquisition, along with linguistic and
social dimensions, cross-linguistic and interdialectal variety and variation
(Cortier & Puren, 2008, p. 76). SA's stance on contextual factors also
seeks to address language learning situations not only at the micro level (the
immediate surroundings, interactional context, the teacher, learners and
materials) but at the macro level too, by taking into account the cultural and
subcultural issues, beliefs system and ideology, social influences and
determinisms such as linguistic and educational policies, educational systems,
current and historical statuses of languages in presence (Porquier & Py,
2004, p. 58).
Among the different lenses the SA
relies on, undoubtedly the most defining is the sociolinguistic perspective,
because its blending with language teaching gave birth to this approach
(Blanchet & Chardenet, 2011). SA views language learning as a modality of
appropriation blended in with the sociolinguistic and social contexts. As in
the CEFR, speakers are primarily conceived as social agents and their communication
as social interaction. Research within SA relies on methods of sociolinguistic
research such as participant observation, questionnaires and semi-directed
interviews, linguistic biographies and the observation of contextualized social
practices (Blanchet & Chardenet, 2011).
SA also pays particular attention to
the psychological dimensions of language learning (Gardner, 1985; Williams
& Burden, 1997) and especially dynamics such as attitudes and motivation,
learners' and teachers' beliefs. Indeed, a psychological approach,
whether cognitive or social, enables teachers to take into account students'
learning styles (Oxford, 1990), logics (Kramsch, 2008, p. 244-245) and social
representations. This concept, carved by Moscovici (1961) and drawn from social
psychology, has proved very relevant to comprehend language teaching and
learning processes (Castellotti & Moore, 2002; Moore, 2001; Zarate &
Candelier, 1997) and is often used in SA. In effect, mental constructs related
to language acquisition and learning determine the learning strategies adopted.
Likewise, representations of English and its speakers have a strong influence
on learners' motivation. This perception is itself determined by the
economic and political relationships with English-speaking countries, and past
and present cooperation.
Complementary to that perspective,
another major focus of SA is the prime attention it gives to sociocultural
factors at the time of understanding language teaching and learning. The
concept of "culture of learning" (Jin & Cortazzi, 1998, p. 749) is another
privileged gateway to understand students' and teachers'
behaviors. The concept has been defined
as:
the socially transmitted
expectations, beliefs, and values about what good learning is. [...] usually
taken-for-granted cultural ideas about the roles and relations of teachers and
learners, about appropriate teaching and learning styles and methods, about the
use of textbooks and materials, and about what constitutes good work in
classrooms (Jin & Cortazzi, 1998, p. 749).
SA also integrates the legacy of
Bourdieu's critical sociology and sociolinguistics since its pays
attention to learners' "habitus" and
considers the linguistic varieties of the mother tongue and the English
communicative competence as "cultural capital", "social capital" and "symbolic
capital" (Bourdieu 1986a, 1986b, 1991; De Mejía, 2002).
Implementing the Sociocritical
Approach in Colombia
As a foreword, it should be reminded
that the SA, being a theory and set of principles, provides the general
guidelines for the course of action but that, following post-method pedagogy
(Kumaravadivelu, 2003, 2006), each specific situation and process requires a
particular analysis and set of strategies.
Adopting the SA would imply definite
changes at the different levels of the Colombian ELT process previously
discussed. It would lead to the development of more adapted teaching
methodology and materials, teacher training and certifications, linguistic
policy based on a thorough context analysis. Specifically, teaching contents
and objectives would stem from a careful study of the sociolinguistic context
and "linguistic landscape" of Colombian learners. The concept has been defined
as:
The
language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place
names, commercial shop signs, and public signs on government buildings combines
to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban
agglomeration (Landry & Bourhis, 1997)
and it has been shown that these linguistic
elements can effectively be used as pedagogical resources (Sayer, 2009).
Indeed, identifying the presence of English in learners' environment
provides teachers and decision-makers with local and engaging materials and
resources. Adopting the SA means that this sociolinguistic analysis would be at
the basis of the whole ELT process: identifying learners' exposure to the
language (including in the media) and the situations where they will use
English and the corresponding speech acts sets a clear route to design courses,
competencies, materials, policies and pedagogy. For example, most students have
little opportunity to speak with foreigners in their immediate environment, so
a suitable classroom project would be to show visitors their neighborhood or to
go to a touristic part of town to interview travelers and take them for a
visit. In the same line, teachers could rely on ICT to set up an online
language exchange with a class from another country, thus updating the pen
friend practice. Such projects, targeting actual interactions, would provide
the curriculum for the whole year or semester, training and engaging learners
to complete a set of meaningful tasks. To a lesser extent, SA's commitment
to plurilingualism means that ELT classes would include sporadic comparisons
with other languages and elements of introduction to local indigenous
language(s).
On a macro level, at the time of
designing programs, the adoption of SA would lead decision-makers to take into
account the economic, political and cultural relationships Colombia has with
English-speaking countries. This analysis would lead to agendas and projects
that answer current necessities and foster opportunities. For example, there is
a great need to implement English for Specific Purposes and English for
Academic Purposes programs in order to address the needs of tourism workers and
higher education students.
Regarding methodology, the SA, as
echoed in ELT (Bax, 2004; Canagarajah, 2009; Holliday, 1994) implies relying on
local researchers (Blanchet & Chardenet, 2011; Blanchet et al., 2008) to
design context-adapted methodologies, policies and materials. For example, a
project such as the Colombian Framework
for English (COFE) which involved the public universities, the best ELT
specialists in Colombia, experienced teachers and private sector
representatives, would be pursued and consolidated through public funds. The
COFE would establish the standards for teachers and support research to
identify the Colombian culture of learning (Le Gal, 2017) in order to evaluate
to what extent and which components of Task-Based Learning and of the CEFR are suitable and can be adapted for
Colombian learners. In close collaboration with the Ministry of Education, the
network and especially the English departments would design, based on their
sociolinguistic needs, the standards for learners: the sets of communicative
competencies to be achieved for each grade. Following this contextualization,
acquisition and teaching objectives would be reoriented towards International
and Colombian English.
Indeed, in spite of various eloquent
works on English as a lingua franca (Jenkins, 2007, 2014; Seidlhofer, 2011),
English as a global (Crystal, 1997) international Language (Sharifian, 2009)
and World Englishes (McArthur, 2002) which rendered the teaching of American
and British English is inappropriate in many situations, many ELT courses and
materials in Colombia still focus on these linguistic varieties. A shift from
British and American English to local varieties of English is therefore urgent
due to its multi-level implications.
At the teaching level, this implies
moving away from the native speaker hegemony/fallacy, replacing the native
speaker as model and objective by the Colombian proficient speaker.
Practically, it means that teachers welcome structures differing from native
ones (calques), specific regional Spanish vocabulary (González, 2010) and local
accents and pronunciation, setting international comprehension as their prime
objective. As with English, Please!
(Ministerio de Educación, 2016), the Ministry of Education would invest
important funds to pursue its effort to design quality Colombian English
textbooks displaying International and Colombian English and targeting
morphology and syntax challenges specific to Spanish-speaking learners. In the
medium term, these textbooks could achieve a high quality to rival the products
of major publishers, gaining a share of the market and generating substantial
profits.
At the evaluation level the shift to
SA and International English implies designing quality and reasonably priced
exams that will assess learners' and teachers' proficiency in
International and Colombian English. This task would be assumed by public
universities, initially supported by the Ministry of Education, until the exam's
recognition in the academic and professional spheres brings in a large number
of candidates to make them financially self-sustainable. Economic balance would
be guaranteed by making this test a graduation requirement (achieving a B1
level) for any university student. Future English teachers should achieve a C1
or B2 level. Running these tests will bolster public universities'
competencies in evaluation while providing them with part of the massive
incomes generated by English tests. This capital could be invested in research
and development for the production of local materials, courses and syllabi (to
prepare for the Colombian test), linguistic policy and teacher training.
Developing Colombian exams would represent a substantive investment in Colombia's
ELT educational system, emancipating it from foreign expertise and resources,
fostering its autonomy and sustainability.
Instead of foreign corporations,
public universities with teacher training programs would be endorsed and
empowered with their traditional activity, but also with running pedagogic
certifications equivalent of the TKT and ICELT. As regards teacher training,
adopting SA also means that future instructors develop a critical perspective
towards foreign ELT methodologies, learning how to adapt them to the local
context and merge them with "indigenous methods". In-training students will learn how to
conduct a sociolinguistic analysis of leaners' needs and context to be
able to design tailor-made courses able to engage Colombian learners. They will
also learn how to work on learners' social representations on English and
its acquisition.
Concluding
remarks
Following a global trend towards a
"marketization", "businessification" of education and the neo-colonialist
agenda of neoliberalism, ELT in Colombia involves significant foreign private
interests. This dependency on foreign technologies calls for a reappropriation
of ELT by governmental institutions and for a model characterized by collective
construction, where self-elaborated knowledge is of prime importance.
Since the first language policy for
English in Colombia in the 1940s through the cooperation with American and
British governments (García et al., 2007), ELT in Colombia can indeed be
considered to have adopted a top-down approach, relying on foreign theories and
research to determine practices within the social reality of classrooms and
institutions. However, conclusions drawn from past linguistic policies mixed
results (Usma, 2009a, 2009b) legitimize a bottom-up, sociocritical approach for
ELT in Colombia which sets the social context at the foreground of the ELT
process.
While importing foreign educational
technologies and relying on foreign expertise can be beneficial to ELT in
Colombia to some extent, that transfer should be realized in a mediated and collaborative
fashion. Governments should value and rely first on local knowledge given its
competence to address Colombia's specific problems and develop "indigenous
methodologies". As Canagarajah assesses, the local should be the "primary and
critical force in the construction of contextually relevant knowledge" (2009,
p. xiv). The brilliant Indian scholar words a necessary paradigm shift which
particularly applies to Colombia: from global to local (2009). However, since
in the globalization era there is not much local as such (i. e. untouched by
foreign influence) left, a "glocal" approach should be the aim and the
Sociocritical Approach totally suits the role.
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