EFL Teenagers’ Social Identity Representation in a Virtual Learning Community on Facebook
EFL Teenagers’ Social Identity Representation in a Virtual
Learning Community on Facebook
Representación
de la identidad social de los estudiantes adolescentes de inglés como
lengua extranjera en una comunidad de aprendizaje virtual en Facebook
Laura
Verónica Jiménez Guamán*
Universidad
Distrital Francisco José de Caldas, Colombia
This article was received on January 31, 2012, and accepted on June 30,
2012.
In this article I report the findings of a descriptive
and interpretative qualitative study carried out in a public school in
Bogotá, Colombia. The study aimed at analyzing, describing and exploring
teenage students’ social identity representation as observed in their
participation in a learning community on Facebook. Data were collected from
eight active participants through artifacts and semi-structured interviews in
the Dragster Virtual Community on Facebook. Data analysis illustrated that
teenagers’ ways of expressing themselves are manifested in conversations
and posts and these interactions portray and reflect their social identity
inside the group. Their social representations are evaluated, accepted, or
denied by the other members in the asynchronous group.
Key words: Dialogical representation, social identity, virtual
community.
En este
artículo reportamos los resultados de un estudio cualitativo,
descriptivo e interpretativo llevado a cabo en una escuela pública en
Bogotá, Colombia. El objetivo fue analizar, describir y explorar la
representación de la identidad social de los estudiantes adolescentes de
inglés como lengua extranjera, observando su participación en una
comunidad de aprendizaje en Facebook. Los datos de ocho participantes activos
fueron recolectados a través de artefactos y entrevistas semi-estructuradas en la comunidad virtual Dragster, en Facebook. El análisis de los datos
muestra que las expresiones que los adolescentes usan en las conversaciones y
en los diferentes tipos de publicaciones reflejan su identidad social dentro
del grupo. Sus representaciones sociales son evaluadas, aceptadas o rechazadas
por los demás miembros del grupo asincrónico.
Palabras clave: comunidad virtual, identidad social,
representación dialógica.
Introduction
Today the Internet has created new habits of
communication, such as e-mail, chats, posts, and pokes, all of which happen to
be popular among young people. Studies carried out by the Kaiser Family
Foundation (2005) and the Pew Internet and American Life Project (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin,
2005), revealed that approximately 87 percent of youth between the ages of
twelve and seventeen are online. In addition, youth are engaging with social
network sites on the Internet, which means that any English as a Foreign Language
(EFL) teenage “student with access to an Internet-ready computer and a
basic knowledge of how the internet works can post ideas and information which
they consider important and build their own interest groups and networks, and
many do” (Castells, 2001, p. 157).
For that reason, the intention of this article is to
describe the findings in a research report as regards how teenage EFL students
portrayed their social identity in a virtual group. Using Facebook as a virtual
learning community, the EFL teacher-researcher guided students in the
development of activities that allowed them to portray their social identity in
the group. To achieve the purpose of this study, the following research
question was posed: How do EFL teenage students represent their social identity
in a virtual learning community?
In the next sections, the two main constructs for
developing this study, its context and participants, as well as the method and
data analysis procedures, will be discussed. Moreover, findings about teenagers’
social identity will be presented. Finally, the conclusions and pedagogical
implications will be discussed.
Literature
Review
The study was based on the following two constructs:
social identity and virtual communities. These constructs concern the object of
this study: EFL teenage students’ social identity representation in a
virtual learning community.
Social Identity
Social identity is understood as the way EFL students
portray themselves as real people through interactions; for example, using
postings and chatting for exchanging ideas about themselves in their foreign
language, as well as for recognizing other members in a group. Also, it allows
them to represent and negotiate their social presence with other participants
in a virtual community.
The definition of social identity that best suits the
aim in this study is the one proposed by Palloff and
Pratt (2007), who state that the representation of a social identity requires
that the members develop social presence in the online community, that is,
“the ability to portray oneself as a real person” (p. 43) and to
perceive the same in the other members of the group. In addition to that, Palloff and Pratt propose that when people step through the
screen into virtual communities, they re-construct their identities on the
other side of the looking glass. This reflection projects ourselves
“socially and emotionally in a community” (Garrison & Anderson,
2005) and expresses the “self uniqueness”,
which allows acceptance and support within the group (Palloff
& Pratt, 2007, p. 26).
Virtual Community
Virtual community is understood as a functional
virtual space in which learners and teachers share common practices and
interests, as well as provide an environment where they identify and represent
themselves. This atmosphere must allow participants to work, either
asynchronously or synchronously, guided by the teacher in making the learning
community a vehicle through which EFL learning occurs online.
For the purpose of this study, a virtual community is
understood as a dynamic whole that emerges when a group of people shares common
practices. Also, the group is inter-dependent, which means they make decisions
together and identify themselves with something larger than the sum of their
individual relationships inside the group. The members make long-term commitments
to their own well-being, as well as one another’s and the group’s (Palloff & Pratt, 2007). The virtual community offers
social communication, an essential component in the educational process.
Considering that schools and campuses provide places for students to congregate
socially, Harasim, Hiltz, Teles, and Turoff (1996) state
that an online educational environment should provide a space for informal
discourse, such as a virtual café, forums, or a group chat. These
practices allow the members of the group to forge their social bonds and create
important socio-affective and cognitive benefits for the learning activities (Palloff & Pratt, 2007).
Context
This study was developed at a public school in the
Lusitania neighborhood of Bogotá, Colombia. The public school there has
been serving a male population of high school students (from grades 6 to 11)
for 73 years. The school’s Pedagogical Institutional Project (PEI) aims
at preparing students through an educational, dynamic, significant, motivating,
and innovating environment that provides students with opportunities for
intellectual, social, and personal development in society (Colegio
Nacional Nicolás Esguerra, 2011).
The School’s PEI emphasizes students’
identification as social human beings. Hence, the school acts as a mediator in
the process of preparing students in social, cultural, political, humanistic,
and scientific fields for future opportunities. On this basis, students must
learn languages, cultures, and different kinds of knowledge in order to be
successful.
Moreover, the school provides students with a
three-hour English class per week; an English book is required for the class,
as well as some extra materials. Every classroom has 35 to 40 students. Each
grade has an English language teacher who guides the students for two years.
For example, there is a teacher for sixth and seventh grades, another for eight
and ninth, and a third for tenth and eleventh grades.
Dragster Virtual Community (VC) was the space chosen
to provide opportunities for EFL students to engage in different language
learning experiences online. This experience implied interacting with each
other through posts and group chats. This virtual community took place on
Facebook where students followed Dragster Virtual Community’s page and
took part in a group called NETS (Nicolás Esguerra Teenage Students). This was an asynchronous
environment that allowed participants to log on to the class, its discussions,
activities, and chats at any time, to think about what was being discussed and
post their own responses with a deadline for doing so. Also, it allowed the
teacher to work with a large group of students.
Facebook allowed posting links and activities visually
appealing for students and which motivate them to participate in the community.
Therefore, virtual learning environments have an advantage over traditional
learning environments which is that each student can participate equally in
class discussion and different activities.
In this study, I was a teacher-researcher whose attention
focused on my students’ social identity representation in a learning
community on Facebook. I posted a variety of activities such as links, games,
videos, listening exercises, among others every single week. These activities
were planned, selected, organized and designed in advance for the development
of the course, as well as for gathering data about my area of study.
Moreover, as a facilitator, I provided students with
feedback about the activities that were developed offering open communication via
private or public messages. I replied to my students’ doubts and
inquiries about any issue presented in our virtual community. I also promoted a
friendly social learning environment and regulated what happened through
mediation among the students, rulemaking and decision-making in our group. All
in all, I treated all of my students with respect and fostered a warm and
enjoyable class environment where we could have fun and learn together.
Participants
The school had five groups of tenth graders. This project
was carried out with only 25 students from tenth-three (10-03) who were between
14 and 16 years old. There were thirty (30) male students in the EFL class and
twenty-five of them (25) agreed to participate as members in the project.
However, only eight students fit the participants’ profile.
These eight students were considered participants in
this research, in view of the following features: First, the tenth graders
could express themselves and their points of view in English. Second, all
participants had access to the Internet for four to eight hours per week,
developing a “sense of membership” (Riley, 2007, p. 113).
Consequently, they would be able to contribute to their own learning process
and be able to develop the activities offered.
Method
This study was carried out as a descriptive and
interpretative qualitative research study which, according to Burns (2005), is
focused on concrete and practical issues of immediate concern to particular
social groups or in communities. In this case, the EFL students got involved
and actively took part, developing different activities that allowed them to
portray their social identity through “typing, writing, image
manipulation, creation of avatars, digital video and audio” (Hine, 2000,
p. 70) in the Dragster Virtual Community on Facebook.
This study considers the Internet an open context tool
for social interactions where practices, meanings, and identities are
intermingled (Domínguez, Beaulieu, Estalella, Gómez, Schnettler,
& Read, 2007). That is why this study attempted to create a learning group
in which learners would be able to interact with each other, either through
posts on the Community’ wall, open discussions, or group chats. The idea
of developing a learning community on Facebook was developed from these
criteria, and Dragster VC was created as an available space on the Internet
that would contribute to the purpose of this research.
Data Collection
Data were collected in the first academic semester
(February-June) of 2011 and gathered through students’ artifacts posted
in the virtual community on Facebook and through semi-structured interviews.
These instruments were important in this study because students’
artifacts would show EFL students’ social identity representation. Their
identities were developed and evidenced in their written narrative about
themselves and the other members. Subsequently, the semi-structured interviews
would be used to validate the data presented by the learners’ artifacts.
Students’ artifacts contained illustrations that
students used for expressing their social identities through online hypertexts
in visual and written form, as well as their interactions in the group. The
purpose of this instrument was based on Burns’ (2005) idea that
students’ artifacts would allow the teacher-researcher to have a clearer
picture of the students’ reactions, perceptions, reflections, and
thoughts. Moreover, this instrument was employed to make a detailed portrayal
of students’ social identity, in addition to “provid[ing] an easy way of obtaining other people’s
perceptions” (Hopkins, 2002, p. 145).
Additionally, semi-structured interviews were used
because they were an opportunity to explore participants’ social
identities and develop ideas about how those identities are presented, as well
as confirming information gathered with students’ artifacts. According to
Freeman and Capper (1999), an interview is a structured oral (or possibly
written) exchange with someone that aims at gathering information. The
interview is more comfortable and rewarding for the researcher and the
interviewer and is appropriate because it is open-ended and thus more flexible
(Burns, 2005). Semi-structured interviews permitted students to conduct a
dialogue about their thoughts and conceptions of their own pieces of work and
other members’ work.
Data Analysis
Procedures
The analysis of the data was done under the principles
of grounded theory that, according to Dey (1999, pp.
1-2), purports to discover or generate theory. Also, it allows the researcher
to have a conversation with the data, ask questions of them, and make comments
to them, as well as continuously compare incidents and respondents’
remarks (Merriam, 1998).
The data were compared and contrasted and then grouped
into patterns using different colors and key words for each of the patterns.
After reading the patterns several times, one core category emerged named
“Dialogical Relationship Between the Self and
the Others” (see Figure 1). This category helped the
researcher understand how participants shared and negotiated their social
identities through dialogue. As shown in Figure 1, the data
were classified into two sub-categories: “My Own Representation at
Dragster VC” and “How Others Represent me
at Dragster VC”, which support the main core category. Identity is used
to refer to a sense of integration of the self, in which different aspects come
together in a unified whole (Deaux & Philogène, 2001).
Findings
Dialogue was fundamental in the description of
teenagers’ social identity in the virtual community. Their ways of
expressions are manifested in conversations that portray and reflect their
social identity inside the group, based on their pre-existing self, which means
that “representations are constitutive of reality” (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002, p. 145). Therefore,
the speaker identity is expressed by all “communicative practices”
(Riley, 2007, p. 93) that are developed among other members in a community.
This category evidences the relationship of “how I want others to see
me”, “how others see me”, and the incorporation participants
had in relation to the group throughout their communication in Dragster Virtual
Community. Their social identities were represented “appropriately
through the acquisition of certain practices, particularly those involved in taking
and assigning responsibility” (Riley, 2007, p. 84) in Dragster VC. The
analysis showed that participants were able to portray their social identity
during the dialogical relationships that were created among members of the
virtual community. Consequently, they would become involved in most activities
proposed, such as posts, comments, e-activities, chatting, pictures, and tags,
among others. These types of activities allowed the EFL learners to become
active participants inside the community.
The communicative practices that emerged from their
actions inside the group permitted participants to reflect on their own
representation and generate a public image that would be recognized by the
other members of the group. In addition, their social identity must be understood
with reference to social structures, which are reproduced in day-to-day social
interaction where the role of the EFL language is seen as a fundamental aspect
of a language learner’s social identity (Heller, as cited in Norton,
1997).
My Own Representation
at Dragster VC
Duff and Uchida (1997, as cited in Hinkel,
2011) affirmed that social identity is co-constructed, negotiated, and
transformed on a regular basis through language. Thus, the EFL participants
portrayed themselves via pictures and comments using their foreign language,
including the use of “I/me” for exposing themselves in the virtual
community. For example, students were asked to create their own graffiti using
a word that represented themselves via an application
in a website called graffiticreator.com. Consequently, the students came up
with a reflection of their self-image that was socially defined and negotiated
by “the choices the writers make in their discourses” (Hyland,
2002, p. 65).
Using graffiti and making a comment about it was an
exercise that allowed students to express their “uniqueness as a
person” (Palloff & Pratt, 2007, p. 201)
because they were able to employ their favorite colors and their own words to
portray themselves. Subsequently, the learners illustrated their own voice,
showing their “distinctive signature, the individual stamp that they
leave on a text” (Hyland, 2002, p. 70).
Those unique or idiosyncratic self-understandings
presented in their narratives illustrated their “individual
identity” and “self-conceptions” (Ashmore,
1997, p. 120) about themselves as individuals in the community. As observed,
participants made a variety of graffiti and narratives that showed each
individual’s particular characteristics. For instance, Brayan CB reflected his self-image differently from the
other participants in the virtual community, as shown in Figure
2.
The student used the word “Freedom” and
expressed his “love for cold weather” and “weird stuff”
with the color gray. Brayan CB described himself
saying, “I think that I’m a humble person” and “I’m
a bit explosive” which was affirmed by most of the participants in the
semi-structured interviews (March 18, 2011, line 34). We can see how
“I” is employed to portray the active, creative agent doing the
experiencing, thinking, and acting in the learning community (Ashmore, 1997).
Brayan CB was also
interested in “boring activities” because he mentioned,
“these things are strange and interesting”. He meant that he had a
strange love for all the activities a typical teenager of his age would hate to
do. He explained that those “boring activities” were going to a
museum or art exhibit, reading a historic book, watching an independent movie,
and dating a boy, instead of a girl. These activities are unusual for the
teenagers participating in the study. According to a semi-structured interview,
most enjoy playing musical instruments, playing a sport or a video game,
listening to music, watching television, or going out with friends.
Learners have different interests in relation to other
members in the learning community. However, the participants always interacted
and looked for those learners who represented a social identity similar to
their own selves. This may be because their attention is aimed at the same
goal, “engagement in both the classroom and the wider target language
community” (Kanno & Norton, 2003).
In the graffiti by Bravy
(see Figure 3), the student portrayed himself as
“funny” because of his jokes and his positive personality. He
described himself as a happy person that smiles all the time. Hence, the EFL
students’ self-idea “seems to have three principal elements: the
imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of his
judgment of that appearance (how he perceived himself) and some sort of
self-feeling such as pride or mortification” (Cooley, 1964, as cited in
Riley, 2007).
Students portray themselves with unique
characteristics different from other members of the group. First, the
imagination of the teenagers’ appearance to the other members in Dragster
was represented through their own imaginations by using profile pictures,
either of themselves or their favorite artists, as well as creating fictional
names for the virtual community. Their names were asked to be distinctive and
to represent something they identified with. For example, we could see in the
excerpt below that Bravy had a photo of Cristiano
Ronaldo as his profile picture. According to him, this soccer player was his
favorite sportsman. Also, he said “Cristiano looked just like me when we
are playing on the field” and he was using his picture to support him
during the Champions League Cup final that was being played in Europe at that
time (Interview, March 24, line 23). In this case, one notices how
“me” is the perspective or “attitude” toward oneself
that one assumes when taking the role of a specific person or the generalized
community (Ashmore, 1997). Therefore, the other
participants corroborated that Bravy was interested
in playing soccer and had similar physical characteristics to Ronaldo’s.
As Boone, Gordon-Larsen, Adair, and Popkin (2007) state, people influence their environment by
characteristics they naturally possess; in this case, Cristiano Ronaldo’s
ability to play soccer influenced Bravy’s
physical appearance in our virtual community. Knowing that Bravy
was good at soccer, he consequently portrayed himself with a picture of who he
considered “the best” at playing this sport and followed him as a
sport role model. This argument demonstrates that natural characteristics are
one of the factors EFL students’ used in order to represent their social
identity. Teenagers reflected their own self-perceived image; they represented
themselves by how they wanted to be seen and recognized by the other members at
Dragster VC. However, if they did not interact with other participants, their
social identity would not be acknowledged and visible by the participants
inside the virtual “group they belonged to” (Tajfel,
2010, p. 225).
On the other hand, the imagination of
participants’ judgment of their partners’ appearance is portrayed
by the comments students made to each other. Consequently, a dialogical
interaction emerged and these interactions allowed me to see how the
participants were perceived and seen inside Dragster VC. As seen in the
pictures shown in Figure 4, Bravy
made his avatar look just like him.
However, most of his partners questioned his interest
in “CHE”1, who was stamped on his
avatar’s t-shirt. He had not given any significance to this social
character when the group first began. When Bravy was
asked, he said he was using the “Che”
icon on his t-shirt to let other members in our group know that he admired him.
On the contrary, Brayan CB said, “I don’t
think he even knows who the ‘Che’ really
was or what ideals he pursued”. Brayan CB
considered that the “Che” did not adapt
to the identity Bravy had been shaping in our group.
People can imaginatively anticipate others’
evaluations of their identities and identity performances (Ashmore,
1997), as shown in Figure 4. EFL students portrayed their
image of themselves in our learning community and this image was evaluated and
either rejected or accepted by the others. Hence, appearance affects both the
way we look at other people and the way we look at ourselves. As Boone et al.
proposed (2007), appearance is genetically determined and therefore independent
of personality. In other words, EFL students’ physical appearances
affected the Dragster VC environment given that it was the space in which they
were involved.
To sum up, how we know ourselves is basically the same
as how we know others, and it depends on observation, retrospection, and
projection (Jenkins, 2008). When teenagers belong to a virtual community, they
examine who they are. Then, they recognize how they want to be seen by others,
and lastly, they show others how they want to be identified via dialogues,
pictures, comments, and posts, among other virtual forms of expressions.
“My Own Representation at Dragster VC” described how participants
portrayed themselves using words that make them stand out from others. They
represented their identity with “what makes individuals just that,
individual” (Riley, 2007, p. 87).
Others’
Representation at Dragster VC
Social identity is a quality that is attributed to an
“individual human being by other human beings” (Riley, 2007, p.
86). This means we need other people to tell us who we are and it is through
interactions that people are able to portray themselves and create an image of
others in a virtual community here. While involved in a community, it is our
appearance in it that affects others’ opinions and influences how others
perceive us.
Figure 5 illustrated the
interaction between two students having a conversation about a song. This song
was suggested by one of them in our group chat. It is called “Pretty Eyes”
by Alex Goot. Cortes expressed his dislike for the
song, affirming, “I do not like ¬¬” using this
“¬¬” eye emotion to express his aversion to the song. Also,
this symbol “¬¬” denoted that he found this particular song
not worth hearing or watching, considering that an emoticon expresses the
writer’s emotions using icons thus giving more meaning to plain text.
In response, Brayan CB
replied using a different emoticon “.I.”, which literally means
giving the middle finger to someone, to state his opinion about the song
“Pretty Eyes”. Also, he added: “This song is for people with
good taste”. This statement showed how Brayan
CB perceived Cortes as a teenager that did not have musical appreciation. It
also let the other students know how Cortes was recognized by him, showing
other members in the group that they did not share their point of view about
music. In other words, music appreciation was seen as different means of
instrumentation, rhythm, lyrics and vocal styles that expressed EFL
students’ social identity. “These themes are reflected in the music
not only lyrically, but through its instrumental composition and the social
settings with which it is associated” (Strickland & Capodilupo, 2002). Also, music tended to express defiance
towards the opposite sex or feelings of romance, love, and sex, among others,
as we could see in the previous example. Brayan CB
exposed his focus on romantic music with his “The desire to be loved, as
well as the activity of raging hormones” in this stage of his life. This
is in contrast to Cortes who enjoyed defiant music such as rock, metal, and
punk that reflected the “rejection of parental control” at home
(Strickland & Capodilupo, 2002).
Interactions took place and comments about an issue
were made by students and these comments established how other members
portrayed others’ identities—in this case, about a song—and
how through the comments they generated an image about the other. The self is
social in its entirety and it is only from the study of social relations that
one can truly understand how individuals are social selves and how their social
life is the source of development of individuality in a social context (Burkitt, 1991). When participants illustrated their likes,
dislikes, opinions, agreements, disagreements, emotions, and feelings through
dialogical communication with the others in our group, the students were
reflecting their social selves and showing in those interactions their real
persons (Palloff & Pratt, 2007).
The students had the possibility of judging whether
the representation of a participant was accurate to himself or not due to their
interactions in the classroom and in our virtual community. In other words, if
they wanted to be accepted, they must represent themselves according to the
“real person” inside the online environment (Palloff
& Pratt, 2007, p. 4). For example, students were asked to create their
avatar and make it as similar to them as possible using an application called Mego Dev that allowed them to
characterize their physical appearance and outfits.
This exercise let students expose how they wanted to
be characterized in the virtual community. It also gave the students the choice
to accept or deny that representation according to their own perceptions about
other members. When they step through the screen into virtual communities, they
re-portray their identities on the other side of the looking glass. This
re-portrayal was their cultural work in progress and the Internet was another
element of the computer culture that contributed to thinking about
“identity as multiplicity” (Palloff &
Pratt, 2007, p. 92).
The fear of social rejection was very much alive among
the participants, as can be seen in the example shown in Figure
6. If students did not share appreciation for the musical band “Slipknot”,
those students would not have other members’ acceptance. However, a
“like” for a musical band did not assure the others’
approval, as is illustrated on Zebaztiian’s
post. His post made evident how he perceived the other
participants’ social identity in our group when he expressed his point of
view about the others affirming: “Howrah aghhh
everybody likes slipknot and just doing it for fashion and nothing but
claw”.
The comment showed in Figure 6
created a controversy among the participants. As Polhemus
(2000, cited in Palloff & Pratt, 2007) stated,
students were able to give their points of view when they used personal forms
of address, acknowledgment of others, expressions of feeling and humor,
sharing, and the use of textual paralanguage symbols such as emoticons, font
colors, different fonts, capitalization, and symbols or characters for
expression in their post interventions.
For example, when Zebaztiian
used the phrase “everybody likes slipknot” in his statement, he was
recognizing all the members in the virtual community as well as characterizing
them according to their musical taste. Also, he expressed his dislike for this
situation, using the word “claw”2.
“Claw” illustrated how frustrated he was feeling about the members
who just liked “Slipknot” because it was a fashionable band at that
moment. It was evidenced that their relationships were essential for passing on
the lessons and their likes enabled them to join the community and gain
others’ acceptance. In order to do this properly and efficiently,
teenagers learn quickly from their peers, especially those who have more social
power, are older, or more popular (Baird, 2010). After his post, he used
paralanguage in order to symbolize the middle finger “.I.” and all
its connotations. This sign was intended to challenge the other members to
defend themselves from his statement. According to Zebaztiian,
they just liked Slipknot because of “fashion” and social acceptance
in our group.
We can also see how Feli-p
reacted to Zebaztiian’s comment. Feli-p completely disagreed with Zebaztiian’s
statement and wrote: “no true, we like rock and we don’t do it for
fashion. We do it because we like it” (see Figure 6).
How “we” is employed in Feli-p’s
post showed the way he saw the other participants because he is putting himself
in place of the others and is portraying himself as a mediator who represents
all the members in the group who liked listening to “Slipknot”.
This evidences that adolescents have a strong desire to like the same type of
music their friends like, and dislike the same type of music their friends
dislike (Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2000). Teenagers want to identify
themselves with a group and label that group as ‘cool’, while
distancing themselves from another group identified as ‘uncool’;
having musical taste similar to the in-group and dissimilar to the out-group
aids in this association. This indicates that music preference may be
determined by its “potential to serve a group differentiation
function” (Tarrant, North & Hargreaves, 2002), which means that
Dragster had two sub-groups: the one who liked Slipknot, rock, and consequently
metal music, and another sub-group who enjoyed listening to other music, such
as pop, reggeaton, salsa, and merengue, among others
(Semi-structured interview, April 4, 2011).
Subsequently, Zebaztiian, Feli-p, and Brayan CB developed a
dialogical communication around this particular issue in which each intervened
expressing the way they saw others inside the community and how they wanted to
be identified. For example, Zebaztiian stated,
“The fact that one person started to like it in the course and now
everybody listened to slip- knot and the funniest thing is that it is not
rock” (see Figure 6). As can be seen in Figure 6, when Zebaztiian used the
expression “now everybody heard Slipknot”, he was making evident a
situation that was happening in Dragster VC that was influencing the
participants’ taste in music. This situation led to aspects that made
them part of the community because “it only needs someone to look at me
for me to become what I am” (Riley, 2007, p. 87).
Feli-p was
recognized in a different form than what he wanted to reflect himself as in
Dragster Virtual Community. He declared: “First, there are people like me
who had already listened to Metal and on the other hand, Metal music is derived
from rock” (see Figure 6). We could see in the
previous comment, how “like me” was employed as a personal form by Feli-p in order to identify his own self and defend his
point of view about “Slipknot” by exemplifying his personal
experience. Therefore, the central role of language is the relationship between
the individual and the social; language not only defines institutional
practices, but also serves to represent our sense of self and our
“subjectivity” (Weedon, 1987, p. 21).
Then, Brayan CB joined their
conversation and added: “It’s just the truth in the classroom there
are many people without the personality!! that listens
to some music bands only for the social acceptance. that
stinks!!!” (see Figure 6). Brayan CB supported Zebaztiian’s
comment. He also admitted that “many people”3
enjoyed listening to the musical band “Slipknot” because being
accepted in the group offered possibilities for an enhanced range of identity
options in the future (Kanno & Norton, 2003) and
it fulfilled the impression of management needs; specifically, to please others
and to create a particular self-image (Norton, 2000) while involved in a community.
Language allows members to negotiate their sense of
self with and across different sites at different points in time and also to
gain access to or to be denied access to a group, which gives learners the
opportunity to speak up (Norton, 1997).
Conclusions
After the analysis of the data, I can state that the
students portrayed their social identity through a dialogical relationship
between the self and the others using their foreign language in this
interaction. In other words, the teenagers’ social identity
representation emerged from communication. Each student reflects himself
through pictures, posts, and comments in our learning community, illustrating
the way individual learners want other members to see them regarding their own
representation.
Teenagers reflected their identity first individually
and then collectively, which means they exposed themselves to others and then
the other participants decided if they thought the representations students
portrayed were accurate. Finally, they decided to accept or to deny membership
in the group. Consequently, social identity is reflected when students become
part of the group and have a sense of belonging to the community, shown through
students’ interaction and how often they log in and participate inside
the community.
Students’ active participation allows other
members to recognize what manner each of the participants portrays themselves
using unique characteristics that make them different from the rest of the
group. Students showed these representations via profile pictures, photos
posted on the group’s wall, narrative posts, comments, and dialogical
interactions, among others in the community. Consequently, their portrayals
evidenced the students’ social relationships and their “I/me”
for denoting their own identity. Students used “you” in order to
indicate other members’ identity and the use of “we” to
recognize themselves as part of the community. Their
interactions allowed teenagers to portray their individual and social selves in
the learning community. Therefore, these images were created through dialogical
interactions that were evaluated, accepted, or denied by other members in the
group.
Pedagogical
Implications
This study contributes to the academic community by
providing a description of teenagers’ social identities as foreign
language learners when using methodologies that allow class and virtual work to
become joined or merged. Teachers need to know who their students are and how
they represent themselves in a virtual learning community during their language
learning processes. The use of narratives in their dialogical interactions
allowed me to inquire about participants’ social identities from an
academic perspective. Their interactions were used as a tool to motivate
participants to portray themselves and recognize other members in the group,
thereby exposing their own identities and the identities of others in both oral
and written forms.
Moreover, the exploration of social identities in a
learning community on Facebook revealed aspects concerning teaching and
learning as a foreign language representative of the online process. The role
of teachers and classmates in the representation of their social identity was
evident through the development of e-activities. Thus, this study encourages
teachers to include reflection of their pedagogical practices. Teachers should
be more aware of new theories of language teaching and learning and implement
virtual learning com- munities as an important part in the development of their
classes, given that these new techniques are related to students’
interests and different learning styles. Being aware of the teaching and
learning particularities seems to not be enough. Teachers also have a role in
the interactions that occur within the classroom and in the virtual learning
space. Teachers should promote the use of virtual spaces because these
communities allow students to portray their social identity and at the same
time have different experiences as language learners by providing more contact
and practice with the foreign language.
This leads to another implication, which has been long been discussed:
making the teaching of English meaningful. This implies showing students that
English can be used for real purposes, not just as a subject to be studied per
se.
1. Che Guevara was one of the greatest Marxist revolutionaries
in Latin American history. The Che symbol represents
a countercultural rebellion and he is recognized for his pursuit of the
transformation of the endemic poverty and alienation he witnessed.
2.
“Claw” was used to express “se dan garra”, a popular expression in Bogotá,
Colombia. It is used by teenager to mean that something is unfortunate,
ridiculous and has poor taste.
3. It refers to most of the members that take part in
Dragster Virtual Community.
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About the Author
Laura Verónica
Jiménez Guamán holds a Bachelor in
Teaching English as a Foreign Language from Universidad Distrital
Francisco José de Caldas (Colombia). She currently works at the same
University, at ILUD (Instituto de Lenguas
de la Universidad Distrital) and belongs to ESTUPOLI
(Estudios Críticos
de Políticas Educativas—Critical
Studies on Educational Policies) research group. She has also worked in high
schools as an EFL virtual teacher.
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